http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2010\09\17\story_17-9-2010_pg3_4
Jihad is a profitable business in our part of the world. Like any business, there are major corporations, companies and smaller groups operating in the sector
It is said that war is good business. Floods are not bad either. The great flood of 2010, while devastating the lives and livelihoods of many, has succeeded in creating opportunities for many others. Statements, counterstatements and allegations abound. Politicians of all shades and forms are exchanging accusations about who is playing ‘flood politics’ and who is not. Pakistan’s bubbled and cocooned civil society, primarily consisting of project-focused nongovernmental organisations, is scrambling for relief and rehabilitation-related financial support. They are involved in ‘flood aid money’ generation. Members of the executive are involved in ‘flood tourism’ as they survey the areas from helicopters, visit camps and wrap Eid gifts for the flood victims themselves at considerable loss to the exchequer — these are expensive gift wrappers. The media is involved in raising their programme ratings as they parade the flood victims who make for a good story. Thus they are involved in ‘flood ratings’. The militants, being a part of our society, are not far behind. They are involved in ‘flood jihad’.
Jihad is a profitable business in our part of the world. Like any business, there are major corporations, companies and smaller groups operating in the sector. Lashkar-e-Jhangvi and Jamaat-ud-Dawa are a brand unto themselves, and major ones at that. However, there are also smaller groups that are important plugs in this network. There are some that focus more on providing logistical support to the bigger militant organisations, others focus on public relations, some on recruitment and others on making inroads into the community through development work. One such organisation is the Al-Akhtar Trust. If one surveys the relief camps, the major names that are seen unabashedly flying their flags are those belonging to the Falah-e-Insaniyat, which is the new name of the banned Jamaat-ud-Dawa. There is, of course, the Al-Khidmat Foundation, which is associated with the Jamat-e-Islami and the Islamic Relief, both of which are not militant organisations and certainly not banned.
However, when we study the operations of Falah-e-Insaniyat, it is discovered to have a large support network of its own but also makes use of the services of smaller organisations like Al-Akhtar Trust. Formed in 2000, the Karachi-based Al-Akhtar Trust had the clear and focused objective of providing financial assistance to Islamist extremists, including the Taliban, and to feed, clothe and educate the children of religious martyrs. I used the past tense because in October 2003, the Al-Akhtar Trust was banned for providing financial and logistical support to a number of militant organisations, both international and Pakistan-based. It is interesting to note that the Pakistani Taliban were banned recently but Al-Akhtar was banned three years after its formation in 2000. The banning proved to be a mere hiccup in its operations. It continued to provide logistical and financial support to al Qaeda in Afghanistan and Iraq, local logistical support to the Pakistani Taliban and affiliated groups, as well as being involved in the Daniel Pearl murder.
Leaders of the Al-Akhtar Trust were associated with the Jaish-e-Mohammed, a militant group to which the Kashmiri jihad has been outsourced. However, when their leader Maulana Masood Azhar was placed under house arrest in 2000, in order to carry out the work, two new organisations were set up, the Al-Akhtar Trust and the Al-Khair Trust. Legal smokescreens were created initially and then reinforced after the banning of the Al-Akhtar Trust to demonstrate that these were two separate organisations with no connections to either the Jaish-e-Mohammad or each other. Therefore, it is not surprising that when I contacted the Al-Akhtar Trust on the numbers provided on their website, I was told that the trust had been banned by the US. The number was that of a house now. When probed about their activities, the response was that the Trust was not active during the flood relief activities apart from “nominal relief work”, and that too only in Ramzan. However, the Al-Khair Trust is a different story. It proudly states that, “The Trust continues its relief operation in flood-hit areas of the province by distributing more than Rs 20 million amongst 45,000 flood victims in districts Charsadda, Nowshera, Swat, and Sindh and Punjab provinces as well. It has also provided relief assistance to more than 3,000 to 5,000 on a daily basis and has distributed cooked food, other essential commodities and cash amounts amongst flood victims throughout the country.” This is a classic case of the organisation being banned but still living on.
It is also important to note that the Al-Akhtar, Al-Khair and Al-Rashid Trust, now called the Maymar Trust, were responsible for extending logistical, financial and social services to the families of al Qaeda militants when the latter fled Kandahar in 2001. Thus, while the social services system of the states of Afghanistan and Pakistan might be defunct, the militants’ social services structure is alive and well.
These organisations are still active in providing financial, logistical, social services to the militant organisations active in flood relief work. Development aid is a tool that they use extensively to penetrate, influence and recruit the local population. Presently, the flood victims are in dire straits and in need of every morsel that they can find. However, it is also important to appreciate that, in addition to these challenges, they are also vulnerable at the hands of these militant groups.
We cannot lay everything at the government’s door. It is rather simplistic to state that the government should pursue these groups. We need to support this endeavour not by creating peace lashkars or jirgas but by providing local information to governmental agencies. In addition to this, we, as people, aid groups, politicians and the media, need to stop enchasing the flood catastrophe for our own corporate ends and actually help the flood victims. Our silence and inactiveness serve as windows of opportunity for the militants and their aid groups. We cannot afford armchair activism, flood politics and flood tourism, as the consequences are deadly.
The writer is an Islamabad-based consultant. She can be reached at coordinator@individualland.com
Collection of Articles From Different Newspapers and Websites..
EDITORIAL: When words are not enough
http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2010\09\17\story_17-9-2010_pg3_1
As the follow-up to President Zardari’s visit to Russia last month to attend the Sochi Summit, President Hamid Karzai has come to Pakistan for a two-day tour. Addressing the press in Islamabad on Wednesday jointly with President Zardari, a number of issues were addressed in the same manner that they always are: the same polite noises were made about the set of problems between the two neighbours that refuse to go away. Both presidents have announced a bolstering of intelligence sharing and more confidence between their respective security agencies. President Zardari has claimed that Pakistan wants to be part of the solution and not part of the “problem”, but that is exactly where the deepest fissures in Afghanistan and Pakistan’s relations lie.
The fact that for too long now Pakistan has pursued the holy grail of strategic depth in Afghanistan has cast a long shadow of suspicion over any friendly overtures towards that unfortunate country by our state. While such interactions and statements are positive, it is hoped that finally action will follow the nice words if there is to be any peace and security in the region. Afghanistan has long blamed the ISI for funding and training the Afghan Taliban. Hence Karzai’s reiteration that the only way to defeat the scourge of terrorism is to tackle the “sanctuaries, training, finances and resources” of the militants. One does not need to dig too deep to know what he is talking about. In this bloody climate of terrorism, the formidable ISI has gained a schizophrenic reputation with many sources, both local and foreign, claiming that it is courting the Afghan Taliban whilst launching military campaigns against the Pakistani Taliban. This ‘good Taliban, bad Taliban’ minuet will make any attempts at intelligence sharing extremely implausible, at least beyond the civilian level. Dual policies rarely ever work in the long run. Such fissures, unfortunately, also exist between us and the US and NATO forces. There remain too many doubts on their side as to whom our intelligence agencies are supporting; how are we to believe that such suspicions will not exist on the Afghan side as well?
During the session, Interior Minister Rehman Malik seems to have suffered from his usual bout of putting his foot in his mouth as he stated that Afghanistan is providing sanctuary to “elements” involved in the unrest in Balochistan, especially the head of the Balochistan Republican Army (BRA), Brahamdagh Bugti. One must remind Mr Malik that the Baloch insurgency is much bigger than Mr Bugti and the BRA alone. It is fuelled by the long-standing grievances of the Baloch people, not a vendetta concocted by just one faction of the entire nationalist movement. Mr Rehman needs to do a bit more homework. Afghanistan shares a similar culture with Balochistan. The former has traditionally given sanctuary to any Baloch fleeing the province for reasons of safety. Even if Brahamdagh is being helped, he is not the sole cause of Balochistan’s unrest. Let us not burden the Afghans with problems that require a complete political solution from our side. President Karzai has also said that his country is not being used by India to fan the unrest in Balochistan, an accusation that we have levelled against the country time and again. Until some solid proof exists that corroborates these allegations, we should stop throwing such wild cards into the air.
All in all the conference was the usual diplomatic papering over of the problem, where polite dialogue and encouraging words were employed to further the fight against terrorism. It is hoped that such expressions will lead to positive action where our intelligence agencies will not be forever accused of exporting and supporting jihad. That enterprise’s days are arguably over. *
SECOND EDITORIAL: A classic intifada
The All Parties Conference called by the Indian government to discuss the ongoing protests in Kashmir, which have spread to the entire region, failed in not only addressing the basic question of the Kashmiris’ right to self-determination, but also coming to a consensus for the solution of the current unrest. The conference’s deliberations were premised on the accord among all political parties that Kashmir is an integral part of India. However, while the Congress party pressed for a solution based on Kashmir’s special constitutional status, the opposition Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) was adamant on not giving autonomy to the region or diluting the Armed Forces Special Powers Act, which has resulted in many human rights abuses at the hands of the security forces in Kashmir. Surprisingly, when in power, the BJP was ready to reconsider its hardline position in order to find a permanent solution to this issue. Now it is reverting to the same hard line to gain political mileage, completely ignoring that the highly volatile situation in Kashmir could explode. All the conference could agree on was sending a fact-finding mission to the Valley.
For a very long time, India has been able to brush Kashmir under the carpet on the pretext that elements from across the border are fomenting trouble in the occupied territory. However, with the current spate of spontaneous protests picking up pace, with Kashmiri youth at the forefront, it is no longer feasible for India to stick to its traditional position. The new generation, armed with nothing but stones, is asking for the rights their parents and forefathers could not get during the 63-year struggle since partition. They are out in the streets, baring their chests to the security forces’ bullets.
This classic case of intifada cannot be suppressed through force. If the Indian ruling elite does not change its attitude, the bloodshed and repression is likely to continue. The cocoon or veil of silence that India has woven around Kashmir while relegating it to the status of a bilateral issue may be about to unravel. Such widespread discontent with Indian rule can no longer be hidden from the attention of the world. It must be dealt with wisely. Otherwise, it could jeopardise the peace of the entire region.
As the follow-up to President Zardari’s visit to Russia last month to attend the Sochi Summit, President Hamid Karzai has come to Pakistan for a two-day tour. Addressing the press in Islamabad on Wednesday jointly with President Zardari, a number of issues were addressed in the same manner that they always are: the same polite noises were made about the set of problems between the two neighbours that refuse to go away. Both presidents have announced a bolstering of intelligence sharing and more confidence between their respective security agencies. President Zardari has claimed that Pakistan wants to be part of the solution and not part of the “problem”, but that is exactly where the deepest fissures in Afghanistan and Pakistan’s relations lie.
The fact that for too long now Pakistan has pursued the holy grail of strategic depth in Afghanistan has cast a long shadow of suspicion over any friendly overtures towards that unfortunate country by our state. While such interactions and statements are positive, it is hoped that finally action will follow the nice words if there is to be any peace and security in the region. Afghanistan has long blamed the ISI for funding and training the Afghan Taliban. Hence Karzai’s reiteration that the only way to defeat the scourge of terrorism is to tackle the “sanctuaries, training, finances and resources” of the militants. One does not need to dig too deep to know what he is talking about. In this bloody climate of terrorism, the formidable ISI has gained a schizophrenic reputation with many sources, both local and foreign, claiming that it is courting the Afghan Taliban whilst launching military campaigns against the Pakistani Taliban. This ‘good Taliban, bad Taliban’ minuet will make any attempts at intelligence sharing extremely implausible, at least beyond the civilian level. Dual policies rarely ever work in the long run. Such fissures, unfortunately, also exist between us and the US and NATO forces. There remain too many doubts on their side as to whom our intelligence agencies are supporting; how are we to believe that such suspicions will not exist on the Afghan side as well?
During the session, Interior Minister Rehman Malik seems to have suffered from his usual bout of putting his foot in his mouth as he stated that Afghanistan is providing sanctuary to “elements” involved in the unrest in Balochistan, especially the head of the Balochistan Republican Army (BRA), Brahamdagh Bugti. One must remind Mr Malik that the Baloch insurgency is much bigger than Mr Bugti and the BRA alone. It is fuelled by the long-standing grievances of the Baloch people, not a vendetta concocted by just one faction of the entire nationalist movement. Mr Rehman needs to do a bit more homework. Afghanistan shares a similar culture with Balochistan. The former has traditionally given sanctuary to any Baloch fleeing the province for reasons of safety. Even if Brahamdagh is being helped, he is not the sole cause of Balochistan’s unrest. Let us not burden the Afghans with problems that require a complete political solution from our side. President Karzai has also said that his country is not being used by India to fan the unrest in Balochistan, an accusation that we have levelled against the country time and again. Until some solid proof exists that corroborates these allegations, we should stop throwing such wild cards into the air.
All in all the conference was the usual diplomatic papering over of the problem, where polite dialogue and encouraging words were employed to further the fight against terrorism. It is hoped that such expressions will lead to positive action where our intelligence agencies will not be forever accused of exporting and supporting jihad. That enterprise’s days are arguably over. *
SECOND EDITORIAL: A classic intifada
The All Parties Conference called by the Indian government to discuss the ongoing protests in Kashmir, which have spread to the entire region, failed in not only addressing the basic question of the Kashmiris’ right to self-determination, but also coming to a consensus for the solution of the current unrest. The conference’s deliberations were premised on the accord among all political parties that Kashmir is an integral part of India. However, while the Congress party pressed for a solution based on Kashmir’s special constitutional status, the opposition Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) was adamant on not giving autonomy to the region or diluting the Armed Forces Special Powers Act, which has resulted in many human rights abuses at the hands of the security forces in Kashmir. Surprisingly, when in power, the BJP was ready to reconsider its hardline position in order to find a permanent solution to this issue. Now it is reverting to the same hard line to gain political mileage, completely ignoring that the highly volatile situation in Kashmir could explode. All the conference could agree on was sending a fact-finding mission to the Valley.
For a very long time, India has been able to brush Kashmir under the carpet on the pretext that elements from across the border are fomenting trouble in the occupied territory. However, with the current spate of spontaneous protests picking up pace, with Kashmiri youth at the forefront, it is no longer feasible for India to stick to its traditional position. The new generation, armed with nothing but stones, is asking for the rights their parents and forefathers could not get during the 63-year struggle since partition. They are out in the streets, baring their chests to the security forces’ bullets.
This classic case of intifada cannot be suppressed through force. If the Indian ruling elite does not change its attitude, the bloodshed and repression is likely to continue. The cocoon or veil of silence that India has woven around Kashmir while relegating it to the status of a bilateral issue may be about to unravel. Such widespread discontent with Indian rule can no longer be hidden from the attention of the world. It must be dealt with wisely. Otherwise, it could jeopardise the peace of the entire region.
PENSIEVE: A national death wish —Farrukh Khan Pitafi
http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2010\09\16\story_16-9-2010_pg3_4
We still want to be the conquerors of Kabul, Delhi and Srinagar. Slaves do not have the luxury of playing the gods. We are slaves of our bad habits and hence we should do away with our imperial hubris
This column could have been called ‘the disaster porn’. But then I imagined your expressions while reading a piece full of rants on the stupidity of the mainstream media and desisted. But it does not mean I would not discuss it at all. So what is this disaster porn? Of course you will remember how film ‘Slumdog Millionaire’ was dubbed as poverty porn by some Indian critics. When, in order to obtain an orgasmic visual or sound bite, a journalist allows the subject of his coverage to suffer or be destroyed during a disaster, I call it the disaster porn. You need examples? Well, during the earthquake coverage, one of our leading journalists indeed continued to film an old woman trapped under the rubble as she gave up her life, instead of actually trying to help her. Likewise, the way we have covered the current disaster reminds us of Damien Day from ‘Drop the Dead Donkey’. The most disgusting bit, however, happened over Eid when the children from the relief camps were made to dance and sing on the stage and then we were told that they were really happy when the got the gifts. I do not have anything against spending Eid with the flood victims but during such ceremonies we could have stopped filming. When the quality of visuals becomes a priority over the value of human life, you can understand where society is headed. This reminds me of the good old days when elaborate dinners were allowed at the wedding ceremonies and cameramen used to film us while eating.
But clearly, as indicated earlier, this column is not entirely about the disaster’s disastrous coverage. But it has a lot to do with the disaster as today’s Pakistan has a lot to do with disasters. Last week, if you remember, I had mentioned Ahmed Rashid’s proposal on Pakistan Reconstruction Fund. Unfortunately, instead of studying it any further, the only response I could see was the state’s further descent into the state of denial. For instance, instead of mulling over the direct role of donors in the reconstruction efforts, or establishing a transparent relief and reconstruction agency, the government is bent on insisting that it has a solid relief plan. If there is anything solid about this prime minister’s plans, it is hubris or arrogance. Yes, of course, it is very easy to annoy the prime minister. All you need to do is to show him a mirror.
But, perhaps, it is not even about the state of arrogance either. It is most likely about our collective opportunism and refusal to see what is at stake. Pakistan’s finance minister informs us that in two month’s time the state may not be able to pay salaries to its employees and instead of paying any heed to his words we are busy in our stupid power struggles and at times imperial pipedreams. In fact, in this country everyone wants to be the next prime minister. That is why we will never let any government function for too long. Of course this does not include the military regimes because we are so mortally afraid of the batons and bayonets. But the responsibility of the government in creating this mess cannot be ignored either. Why is it that the democratically elected president of this country has made his death wish plain? Why is it that the survival of democracy means only personal political survival to the prime minister? Why is it that our army chief got an unprecedented (albeit a bit dented) extension and yet the GHQ-sponsored intellectuals keep talking about an imminent military takeover? And why is it that at a time when we should have been literally begging the entire world to help us rebuild our sweet nation, we either talk about the government’s waning credibility and the lack of foreign aid, or else we discuss Afghanistan and Kashmir?
If truth be told, this government’s historical baggage has nothing to do with the absence of foreign aid. Nor does any donor fatigue. The real reason is that the world is wary of our state’s perverted outlook and our army’s habit of dominating all national agendas. The west has often blamed that the money or arms or ammunition sent to us for fighting terror is usually spent in upping the ante against that we call our traditional enemy. Likewise, it has quite a few bones to pick with the state’s habit of squandering the borrowed money on unnecessarily non-developmental sectors. And then our pipedreams are great. We still want to be the conquerors of Kabul, Delhi and Srinagar. Slaves do not have the luxury of playing the gods. We are slaves of our bad habits and hence we should do away with our imperial hubris. Granted that today’s Kashmir intifada, as it is being called, has no Pakistani hand in it, and that is why it has a good chance of succeeding. But someone somewhere is not being honest about the Taliban. We will have to stop worshipping the Afghan Taliban and see them for what they are. They are no different from the Pakistani Taliban and are the usual enemies of the civilisation. We cannot call them friends at a time when they sponsor terror in our country.
Above everything else, we need honesty today in this country. The government or the state’s being dishonest has become an old conjecture now. Today our intellectuals, civil society, media and almost all other segments of society are given to intellectual dishonesty. Not until we shun our personal agendas and view our situation objectively, can we progress. But somehow I am getting convinced that far more dear to us as a nation is our collective death wish and no progress.
The writer is an independent columnist and a talk show host. He can be reached at farukh@gmail.com
We still want to be the conquerors of Kabul, Delhi and Srinagar. Slaves do not have the luxury of playing the gods. We are slaves of our bad habits and hence we should do away with our imperial hubris
This column could have been called ‘the disaster porn’. But then I imagined your expressions while reading a piece full of rants on the stupidity of the mainstream media and desisted. But it does not mean I would not discuss it at all. So what is this disaster porn? Of course you will remember how film ‘Slumdog Millionaire’ was dubbed as poverty porn by some Indian critics. When, in order to obtain an orgasmic visual or sound bite, a journalist allows the subject of his coverage to suffer or be destroyed during a disaster, I call it the disaster porn. You need examples? Well, during the earthquake coverage, one of our leading journalists indeed continued to film an old woman trapped under the rubble as she gave up her life, instead of actually trying to help her. Likewise, the way we have covered the current disaster reminds us of Damien Day from ‘Drop the Dead Donkey’. The most disgusting bit, however, happened over Eid when the children from the relief camps were made to dance and sing on the stage and then we were told that they were really happy when the got the gifts. I do not have anything against spending Eid with the flood victims but during such ceremonies we could have stopped filming. When the quality of visuals becomes a priority over the value of human life, you can understand where society is headed. This reminds me of the good old days when elaborate dinners were allowed at the wedding ceremonies and cameramen used to film us while eating.
But clearly, as indicated earlier, this column is not entirely about the disaster’s disastrous coverage. But it has a lot to do with the disaster as today’s Pakistan has a lot to do with disasters. Last week, if you remember, I had mentioned Ahmed Rashid’s proposal on Pakistan Reconstruction Fund. Unfortunately, instead of studying it any further, the only response I could see was the state’s further descent into the state of denial. For instance, instead of mulling over the direct role of donors in the reconstruction efforts, or establishing a transparent relief and reconstruction agency, the government is bent on insisting that it has a solid relief plan. If there is anything solid about this prime minister’s plans, it is hubris or arrogance. Yes, of course, it is very easy to annoy the prime minister. All you need to do is to show him a mirror.
But, perhaps, it is not even about the state of arrogance either. It is most likely about our collective opportunism and refusal to see what is at stake. Pakistan’s finance minister informs us that in two month’s time the state may not be able to pay salaries to its employees and instead of paying any heed to his words we are busy in our stupid power struggles and at times imperial pipedreams. In fact, in this country everyone wants to be the next prime minister. That is why we will never let any government function for too long. Of course this does not include the military regimes because we are so mortally afraid of the batons and bayonets. But the responsibility of the government in creating this mess cannot be ignored either. Why is it that the democratically elected president of this country has made his death wish plain? Why is it that the survival of democracy means only personal political survival to the prime minister? Why is it that our army chief got an unprecedented (albeit a bit dented) extension and yet the GHQ-sponsored intellectuals keep talking about an imminent military takeover? And why is it that at a time when we should have been literally begging the entire world to help us rebuild our sweet nation, we either talk about the government’s waning credibility and the lack of foreign aid, or else we discuss Afghanistan and Kashmir?
If truth be told, this government’s historical baggage has nothing to do with the absence of foreign aid. Nor does any donor fatigue. The real reason is that the world is wary of our state’s perverted outlook and our army’s habit of dominating all national agendas. The west has often blamed that the money or arms or ammunition sent to us for fighting terror is usually spent in upping the ante against that we call our traditional enemy. Likewise, it has quite a few bones to pick with the state’s habit of squandering the borrowed money on unnecessarily non-developmental sectors. And then our pipedreams are great. We still want to be the conquerors of Kabul, Delhi and Srinagar. Slaves do not have the luxury of playing the gods. We are slaves of our bad habits and hence we should do away with our imperial hubris. Granted that today’s Kashmir intifada, as it is being called, has no Pakistani hand in it, and that is why it has a good chance of succeeding. But someone somewhere is not being honest about the Taliban. We will have to stop worshipping the Afghan Taliban and see them for what they are. They are no different from the Pakistani Taliban and are the usual enemies of the civilisation. We cannot call them friends at a time when they sponsor terror in our country.
Above everything else, we need honesty today in this country. The government or the state’s being dishonest has become an old conjecture now. Today our intellectuals, civil society, media and almost all other segments of society are given to intellectual dishonesty. Not until we shun our personal agendas and view our situation objectively, can we progress. But somehow I am getting convinced that far more dear to us as a nation is our collective death wish and no progress.
The writer is an independent columnist and a talk show host. He can be reached at farukh@gmail.com
EDITORIAL: Talk of another ‘intervention’
http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2010\09\16\story_16-9-2010_pg3_1
Chief Justice (CJ) of Pakistan Iftikhar Chaudhry has stressed that all state institutions should work within their given parameters. He said that the superior judiciary has a “unique responsibility to ensure that all branches of the state are functioning within their jurisdiction” and “if any institution crosses its limits, then the judiciary has the authority to intervene”. CJ Chaudhry is right in asking all state institutions to stay within their limits. What is worrying though is the use of the word ‘intervene’. For the past few weeks, the country has been up in arms because of MQM chief Altaf Hussain’s open call for military intervention. That furore had hardly died down and now CJ Chaudhry has talked of judicial intervention. No one can doubt the integrity and sincerity of Chief Justice Chaudhry, but issuing such statements at this point in time may create further unnecessary panic in an already grief-stricken country. Since the 2008 elections, the incumbents have been engulfed in one crisis or another while the anti-democratic forces are at work to destabilise this government. After nine years of rule by a military dictator, we should be glad to have a people’s representative government back in our midst. Instead, we have been giving it a hard time.
There are no two opinions on allowing a state institution to transgress its powers or misuse them for any vested interest. However, the same rule should be applied to the superior judiciary as well. CJ Chaudhry raised a pertinent point by saying that “any act contrary to law or the constitution is ultra vires of the constitution”. Going by this statement, the Supreme Court may wish to revisit the hearing of petitions against the 18th Amendment that has already been passed by parliament. CJ Chaudhry himself admitted that the superior courts’ judges are under oath to “preserve, protect and defend the constitution”. Thus the respected judiciary should be careful not to give an impression of going against the constitution and wasting the court’s precious time in hearing petitions that have no space according to the law of the land. As per Article 239(5) of our constitution: “No amendment of the Constitution shall be called in question in any court on any ground whatsoever.” “Physician, heal thyself” is an old adage and can be applied to the judiciary too, which should respect the fact that in a democratic country, parliament is supreme and its constitutional amendments cannot be challenged. If the superior judiciary, at any point in time, thinks that a state institution is crossing its constitutional limits, it can give a verdict or suggestion to correct the matter. The independence of the judiciary is an integral part of the state system, but that independence too must be exercised with responsibility. The respectable justices have assured on a number of occasions that they are great supporters of democracy. Seemingly the superior judiciary has no ulterior motives in hearing the petitions against the 18th Amendment but there have been some noises from the PPP-led government’s quarters that these petitions too are part of plans to destabilise this government. Democracy in Pakistan is in its nascent stages and as we celebrated International Day of Democracy yesterday (September 15), we should vow not to indulge in destabilisation games.
On another note, the judiciary has done a good job by taking suo motu notices of many an important issue but it should not overly burden itself with such cases alone. The huge backlog of cases must be taken care of because justice has been conspicuous by its absence for far too long because of delays. *
SECOND EDITORIAL: Lawmakers’ shining fortunes
Pakistan Institute of Legislative Development and Transparency’s (PILDAT’s) report, ‘How Rich are Pakistani MNAs’, which analyses the declared assets of MNAs of the 12th and 13th National Assemblies between 2003-2009, is revealing. While the average worth of the National Assembly members in the previous parliament was Rs 27 million, it now stands at Rs 81 million — a three times increase. The most spectacular case was that of Mohammad Kamran Khan from FATA, whose assets’ value shot up 42 times in a matter of just a year. The report also gives party, province, and gender-wise details of MNAs’ assets.
The PILDAT report’s contents appear to reinforce the public perception about politicians that they secure legislative seats to increase personal wealth. The increase in value of properties and other assets during the time period covered by the report does not explain the extraordinary bloating of the value of their assets. This obviously leads to the surmise that the members acquired new assets during their term. This is despite the fact that they are receiving their salaries and other perks and privileges. It is well known that, barring a few exceptions, political parties award tickets only to those candidates who are financially sound and can fund their election campaigns. Once in office, these very candidates work to recover the amount they had invested by using their power and influence. While their performance in increasing personal wealth is remarkable, they are woefully lacking in discharging the duties they are elected to perform, i.e. legislation.
The assembly has a heavy agenda of legislation, but, more often than not, the house is marred by a lack of quorum. Ministers seem to give priority to matters other than attending sessions and participating in debates related to their respective ministries and if and when they do, they are ill prepared. Other than passing the 18th Amendment, the current National Assembly is yet to show the maturity and commitment required of this august house. It would be good if the respected members understand that their single-minded pursuit of wealth is adding to their negative image. This is not to suggest that non-political government officials do not indulge in abuse of power, but people have some expectations from democracy and their chosen representatives. MNAs’ upright conduct and good performance in their job will bolster public confidence in democracy and ensure their re-election. *
Chief Justice (CJ) of Pakistan Iftikhar Chaudhry has stressed that all state institutions should work within their given parameters. He said that the superior judiciary has a “unique responsibility to ensure that all branches of the state are functioning within their jurisdiction” and “if any institution crosses its limits, then the judiciary has the authority to intervene”. CJ Chaudhry is right in asking all state institutions to stay within their limits. What is worrying though is the use of the word ‘intervene’. For the past few weeks, the country has been up in arms because of MQM chief Altaf Hussain’s open call for military intervention. That furore had hardly died down and now CJ Chaudhry has talked of judicial intervention. No one can doubt the integrity and sincerity of Chief Justice Chaudhry, but issuing such statements at this point in time may create further unnecessary panic in an already grief-stricken country. Since the 2008 elections, the incumbents have been engulfed in one crisis or another while the anti-democratic forces are at work to destabilise this government. After nine years of rule by a military dictator, we should be glad to have a people’s representative government back in our midst. Instead, we have been giving it a hard time.
There are no two opinions on allowing a state institution to transgress its powers or misuse them for any vested interest. However, the same rule should be applied to the superior judiciary as well. CJ Chaudhry raised a pertinent point by saying that “any act contrary to law or the constitution is ultra vires of the constitution”. Going by this statement, the Supreme Court may wish to revisit the hearing of petitions against the 18th Amendment that has already been passed by parliament. CJ Chaudhry himself admitted that the superior courts’ judges are under oath to “preserve, protect and defend the constitution”. Thus the respected judiciary should be careful not to give an impression of going against the constitution and wasting the court’s precious time in hearing petitions that have no space according to the law of the land. As per Article 239(5) of our constitution: “No amendment of the Constitution shall be called in question in any court on any ground whatsoever.” “Physician, heal thyself” is an old adage and can be applied to the judiciary too, which should respect the fact that in a democratic country, parliament is supreme and its constitutional amendments cannot be challenged. If the superior judiciary, at any point in time, thinks that a state institution is crossing its constitutional limits, it can give a verdict or suggestion to correct the matter. The independence of the judiciary is an integral part of the state system, but that independence too must be exercised with responsibility. The respectable justices have assured on a number of occasions that they are great supporters of democracy. Seemingly the superior judiciary has no ulterior motives in hearing the petitions against the 18th Amendment but there have been some noises from the PPP-led government’s quarters that these petitions too are part of plans to destabilise this government. Democracy in Pakistan is in its nascent stages and as we celebrated International Day of Democracy yesterday (September 15), we should vow not to indulge in destabilisation games.
On another note, the judiciary has done a good job by taking suo motu notices of many an important issue but it should not overly burden itself with such cases alone. The huge backlog of cases must be taken care of because justice has been conspicuous by its absence for far too long because of delays. *
SECOND EDITORIAL: Lawmakers’ shining fortunes
Pakistan Institute of Legislative Development and Transparency’s (PILDAT’s) report, ‘How Rich are Pakistani MNAs’, which analyses the declared assets of MNAs of the 12th and 13th National Assemblies between 2003-2009, is revealing. While the average worth of the National Assembly members in the previous parliament was Rs 27 million, it now stands at Rs 81 million — a three times increase. The most spectacular case was that of Mohammad Kamran Khan from FATA, whose assets’ value shot up 42 times in a matter of just a year. The report also gives party, province, and gender-wise details of MNAs’ assets.
The PILDAT report’s contents appear to reinforce the public perception about politicians that they secure legislative seats to increase personal wealth. The increase in value of properties and other assets during the time period covered by the report does not explain the extraordinary bloating of the value of their assets. This obviously leads to the surmise that the members acquired new assets during their term. This is despite the fact that they are receiving their salaries and other perks and privileges. It is well known that, barring a few exceptions, political parties award tickets only to those candidates who are financially sound and can fund their election campaigns. Once in office, these very candidates work to recover the amount they had invested by using their power and influence. While their performance in increasing personal wealth is remarkable, they are woefully lacking in discharging the duties they are elected to perform, i.e. legislation.
The assembly has a heavy agenda of legislation, but, more often than not, the house is marred by a lack of quorum. Ministers seem to give priority to matters other than attending sessions and participating in debates related to their respective ministries and if and when they do, they are ill prepared. Other than passing the 18th Amendment, the current National Assembly is yet to show the maturity and commitment required of this august house. It would be good if the respected members understand that their single-minded pursuit of wealth is adding to their negative image. This is not to suggest that non-political government officials do not indulge in abuse of power, but people have some expectations from democracy and their chosen representatives. MNAs’ upright conduct and good performance in their job will bolster public confidence in democracy and ensure their re-election. *
WASHINGTON DIARY: Feudal-mullah alliance —Dr Manzur Ejaz
http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2010\09\15\story_15-9-2010_pg3_3
The combination of rising mullah shahi and feudalism has produced the most corrupt and inhumane systems in human history. From mediaeval Europe to India to modern Pakistan, the feudal-clergy alliance — in most cases the clergy was the feudal — has devastated social development
The last time I checked the history books, it was clear to me that the British gave lands to our feudals. I had to check it again during the last week and I did not find anything contrary to my previous assessment. The cause for doubting my own recollection of history was due to an e-mail response to one of my articles from a reader.
The reader had serious problems with my emphasis on abolishing feudalism and enforcing a strict land reforms programme. The reader asserted that the land was given to the feudal class by God and that land reforms were akin to negating religion and the will of the Creator. The reader had suggested that we should plead to the rich to be kind to the poor and not indulge in methods negating the essence of our religion.
There is nothing new about this reader’s critique. Such arguments were common in pre-industrial Europe where the Catholic Church was part of the ruling classes in exploiting the poor serfs. The fundamental thrust of Martin Luther’s revolution was to free the masses of the feudal church’s tyranny and translate the Bible into the German language, something that was absolutely prohibited: the Bible could be written in Latin only, understood by the clergy and not by common citizens. The Church of Rome wanted to hang Martin Luther for translating the Bible into German, but he was saved by the German rulers’ adamant opposition.
The evolution of feudalism in India was no different from the one in Europe. Dr Ram Sharan Sharma has proved, taking pains in noting historical details, that feudalism in India was incubated by the rulers’ grant of land to Brahmans and mandirs (temples). It was a bit later when those land grants were awarded for military services. Therefore, the earliest feudals were the clergy and the warriors. The Indian clergy’s monopoly of Sanskrit as the only language of religious scriptures was just like Latin of the Catholic Church not being understood by common folks in Europe.
During Muslim rule in India, specifically during the Mughal era, the jagirdar (feudal) was a temporary post, besides permanent land grants to shrines and religious establishments. Usually, a dignitary was assigned a large tract comprising several villages for a certain period but transferred to another area after that time. A jagirdar of Punjab could have been transferred to Bengal after two years. Consequently, the jagirdars had no permanent stakes in an area and were bent on skimming off from the people as much as they could because of their uncertain future. However, the landed aristocracy created through land grants to shrines and religious establishments was perpetual.
The British continued the practice with some fundamental changes. They expanded the land grants to shrines of all kinds and that is why we see so many feudals bearing the last name of Shah, Makhdoom, etc. The British also made large grants to Jat and Rajput leading families like the Tiwanas, Noons and Daultanas for providing crucial services to the British Raj. In short, the feudals, religious or otherwise, were granted land for aiding the colonialists.
The land grants were always given by the rulers whether they were Hindus, Muslims or the British. How did it then become the recipients’ God-given right? I am sure that rulers, corrupt, cruel or otherwise, could not be elevated to the status of God as our reader believes. Therefore, if the rulers of today abolish feudalism, they will just be reversing the decisions of earlier rulers and not of God.
In the early days of Islam, land holdings were not a big issue because there were no big tracts of agricultural land in Saudi Arabia. However, the issue became divisive when the Muslims conquered the fertile lands of Syria, Iraq and Egypt. The conquering generals wanted possession of the newly fertile conquered lands but the second caliph, Hazrat Umar, did not permit this. Many believe that he was martyred by the group of generals whose possession of lands he was opposing. It is noteworthy that the third caliph, Hazrat Usman, granted the right of land possession immediately after being installed.
One thing is clear: the nexus between feudalism and the religious establishment, clergy or spiritualists, is the basis of the rise of feudalism. Therefore, our reader’s assertion reflects the traditionalist, mullah shahi view. Sufi poets like Sultan Bahu, Bulleh Shah and Waris Shah were not only attacking the mullah shahi’s religious doctrine but also their cooperation with the feudal. Waris Shah was much clearer and straight in taking the corrupt religious establishment to task for their servitude to the feudal. Sometimes, it feels that we are still living in the 18th century where mullah shahi is doing the same job for the feudal. It does not come as a surprise that the feudal and mullah/jihadi do not bother each other.
The combination of rising mullah shahi and feudalism has produced the most corrupt and inhumane systems in human history. From mediaeval Europe to India to modern Pakistan, the feudal-clergy alliance — in most cases the clergy was the feudal — has devastated social development. Feudalism may be defended on economic grounds — fractionalisation of land may lead to a less productive system — but it cannot be defended on a political and social basis.
The grip of the narrow-minded and backward feudal class does not allow the development of a modern state. The US, Europe and other industrial nations may spend billions of dollars to modernise the Pakistani state but it is not going to happen unless feudalism is abolished. The US should know better that Japan and South Korea developed after the end of feudalism. The new generation of Americans, wedded to ‘Reaganism’, has no clue about the post-World War II ideologies that prompted the land reforms in Japan and South Korea. Therefore, the movement for ending feudalism has to come from within the country. Unless feudalism is abolished, neither democratic governments nor military rule can modernise the state.
Pleading to the rich to be kind to the poor has never happened in history. It always takes a bloody revolution to distribute wealth. Pakistan is not going to be any different from other countries.
The writer can be reached at manzurejaz@yahoo.com
The combination of rising mullah shahi and feudalism has produced the most corrupt and inhumane systems in human history. From mediaeval Europe to India to modern Pakistan, the feudal-clergy alliance — in most cases the clergy was the feudal — has devastated social development
The last time I checked the history books, it was clear to me that the British gave lands to our feudals. I had to check it again during the last week and I did not find anything contrary to my previous assessment. The cause for doubting my own recollection of history was due to an e-mail response to one of my articles from a reader.
The reader had serious problems with my emphasis on abolishing feudalism and enforcing a strict land reforms programme. The reader asserted that the land was given to the feudal class by God and that land reforms were akin to negating religion and the will of the Creator. The reader had suggested that we should plead to the rich to be kind to the poor and not indulge in methods negating the essence of our religion.
There is nothing new about this reader’s critique. Such arguments were common in pre-industrial Europe where the Catholic Church was part of the ruling classes in exploiting the poor serfs. The fundamental thrust of Martin Luther’s revolution was to free the masses of the feudal church’s tyranny and translate the Bible into the German language, something that was absolutely prohibited: the Bible could be written in Latin only, understood by the clergy and not by common citizens. The Church of Rome wanted to hang Martin Luther for translating the Bible into German, but he was saved by the German rulers’ adamant opposition.
The evolution of feudalism in India was no different from the one in Europe. Dr Ram Sharan Sharma has proved, taking pains in noting historical details, that feudalism in India was incubated by the rulers’ grant of land to Brahmans and mandirs (temples). It was a bit later when those land grants were awarded for military services. Therefore, the earliest feudals were the clergy and the warriors. The Indian clergy’s monopoly of Sanskrit as the only language of religious scriptures was just like Latin of the Catholic Church not being understood by common folks in Europe.
During Muslim rule in India, specifically during the Mughal era, the jagirdar (feudal) was a temporary post, besides permanent land grants to shrines and religious establishments. Usually, a dignitary was assigned a large tract comprising several villages for a certain period but transferred to another area after that time. A jagirdar of Punjab could have been transferred to Bengal after two years. Consequently, the jagirdars had no permanent stakes in an area and were bent on skimming off from the people as much as they could because of their uncertain future. However, the landed aristocracy created through land grants to shrines and religious establishments was perpetual.
The British continued the practice with some fundamental changes. They expanded the land grants to shrines of all kinds and that is why we see so many feudals bearing the last name of Shah, Makhdoom, etc. The British also made large grants to Jat and Rajput leading families like the Tiwanas, Noons and Daultanas for providing crucial services to the British Raj. In short, the feudals, religious or otherwise, were granted land for aiding the colonialists.
The land grants were always given by the rulers whether they were Hindus, Muslims or the British. How did it then become the recipients’ God-given right? I am sure that rulers, corrupt, cruel or otherwise, could not be elevated to the status of God as our reader believes. Therefore, if the rulers of today abolish feudalism, they will just be reversing the decisions of earlier rulers and not of God.
In the early days of Islam, land holdings were not a big issue because there were no big tracts of agricultural land in Saudi Arabia. However, the issue became divisive when the Muslims conquered the fertile lands of Syria, Iraq and Egypt. The conquering generals wanted possession of the newly fertile conquered lands but the second caliph, Hazrat Umar, did not permit this. Many believe that he was martyred by the group of generals whose possession of lands he was opposing. It is noteworthy that the third caliph, Hazrat Usman, granted the right of land possession immediately after being installed.
One thing is clear: the nexus between feudalism and the religious establishment, clergy or spiritualists, is the basis of the rise of feudalism. Therefore, our reader’s assertion reflects the traditionalist, mullah shahi view. Sufi poets like Sultan Bahu, Bulleh Shah and Waris Shah were not only attacking the mullah shahi’s religious doctrine but also their cooperation with the feudal. Waris Shah was much clearer and straight in taking the corrupt religious establishment to task for their servitude to the feudal. Sometimes, it feels that we are still living in the 18th century where mullah shahi is doing the same job for the feudal. It does not come as a surprise that the feudal and mullah/jihadi do not bother each other.
The combination of rising mullah shahi and feudalism has produced the most corrupt and inhumane systems in human history. From mediaeval Europe to India to modern Pakistan, the feudal-clergy alliance — in most cases the clergy was the feudal — has devastated social development. Feudalism may be defended on economic grounds — fractionalisation of land may lead to a less productive system — but it cannot be defended on a political and social basis.
The grip of the narrow-minded and backward feudal class does not allow the development of a modern state. The US, Europe and other industrial nations may spend billions of dollars to modernise the Pakistani state but it is not going to happen unless feudalism is abolished. The US should know better that Japan and South Korea developed after the end of feudalism. The new generation of Americans, wedded to ‘Reaganism’, has no clue about the post-World War II ideologies that prompted the land reforms in Japan and South Korea. Therefore, the movement for ending feudalism has to come from within the country. Unless feudalism is abolished, neither democratic governments nor military rule can modernise the state.
Pleading to the rich to be kind to the poor has never happened in history. It always takes a bloody revolution to distribute wealth. Pakistan is not going to be any different from other countries.
The writer can be reached at manzurejaz@yahoo.com
VIEW: Abolish feudalism —Dr Mahjabeen Islam
http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2010\09\10\story_10-9-2010_pg3_3
With the advent of globalisation and the technological revolution, do not imagine your feudal lord dressed in shalwar kameez and pagri with a perpetually curled, waxed moustache; your modern day man is vrooming around in a convertible BMW and is dressed in pants, casual cotton shirts and loafers
Despite how trite it sounds, the floods may well be a blessing in disguise. Perhaps they are meant to wrest Pakistan from the abyss it was hurtling towards and set its compass right.
As idealistic as my three-point action plan, abolish feudalism, prosecute corruption and ensure speedy justice to quick-fix Pakistan may seem, it can be given actual practicality. All that is needed is a national will. In the words of the unequalled Shakespeare:
“There is a tide in the affairs of men,
Which, taken at the flood, leads on to fortune.”
One of the bitter remnants of the British Raj, feudalism was used to honour and ingratiate nawabs, taluqdars, jagirdars, etc. Originally, the intent was to bless the favoured with large tracts of land and when the blessed expired, the land returned to the Raj. During the tenure of the blessings by His Majesty, the grantee enjoyed material, political and social favours. The land was tilled by peasants who had no ownership, with lives bordering on slavery.
Land reforms occurred in post-partition India in 1953, but Pakistan chose to be buried under the yoke of feudalism with its attendant economic, social, educational, human rights and political evils. With Pakistan being largely agrarian, feudalism has permeated and saturated the national psyche and one notices its recurring stamp in what is now an entrenched feudal mindset. With the advent of globalisation and the technological revolution, do not imagine your feudal lord dressed in shalwar kameez and pagri with a perpetually curled, waxed moustache; your modern day man is vrooming around in a convertible BMW and is dressed in pants, casual cotton shirts and loafers.
A few thousand families currently hold Pakistan in a vice-like grip. They own thousands of acres of land that is tilled by haris, landless peasants, who are held in varying degrees of subjugation by cruel feudals. Bondage is widespread in rural Pakistan and landlords and tribal leaders have even created private prisons. There is also the concept of debt bondage that the peasant has to work off, rather than pay off with money or goods, and this debt bondage extends through generations. The violation of basic human rights that this creates is another one of many stains on our nation.
Strongly politically connected or the only political game in the village, feudals do not pay taxes. Themselves minimally educated, if at all, feudals perpetuate the horrific literacy statistics of Pakistan. Married invariably to four women and keeper of numerous others, the feudal lord maintains all in deep ignorance, knowing that education would sever the bondage.
The family and social environment of the feudal community is impervious to the rules of religion and, of course, to modern day justice. Some landlords are alleged pirs or spiritual leaders with propaganda of their lineage to Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) and hordes of people do bayt (swear allegiance to them). Besides the gold that the land brings in, the mureeds or followers rid themselves of a variety of ills by giving nazar or a monetary gift to the pir.
Sad also is the political hold that the feudal families have on Pakistan. Be it the PML-N or the PPP, a majority of the National Assembly members belong to these infamous feudal families. Slowly, but surely, their duplicity is being unmasked. Since the passage of the minimal qualification for election being a bachelor’s degree, many landlords are noted to have fake degrees and their grip on political power has been loosened. A bit.
Pakistanis have an interesting fixation with land. Right after partition, people allegedly walked into abandoned vacant homes and called them their own. Pakistan has been ruled by alternating military and civilian dispensations; in the military regime promotions were accompanied by the giving of pieces of land. And in the heavy cross that the nation bears, all civilian governments have been headed by disgustingly wealthy landlord politicians from infamous feudal families.
And now the floods and the accusation by peasants that the politically powerful diverted the water by breaking the levees so that their lands could be saved, because of which the land of the poor was inundated.
The economic, social and political inequity perpetuated by feudalism must end if Pakistan is not to drown in the literal and figurative sense of the word. The floods provide a strangely painful opportunity to do this. Anger at the feudal lord has been steadily growing and as the media becomes more powerful, stories of the murders, jirga justice, vani (child marriages) and marriages to the Quran to retain property are all coming to light.
Altaf Hussain makes the right noises in terms of abolishing feudalism but suffers from a glaring lack of credibility, hordes of female fans listening to his crackling dramatic voice on a bad speaker notwithstanding. When bhatta (an imposed bribe/tax) is part and parcel of the workings of a party and when he is unable to land in Pakistan for fear of a reprisal murder, no calls for a French Revolution-type movement or ending feudalism will make a dent.
Changing from the PPP to the PML-N is like a collective jump from the frying pan into the fire. The leaders of Pakistan’s major parties are embedded in the Pakistani staple of self-aggrandisement, self-enrichment, unfathomable corruption and a terrible betrayal of the poor whose backs they have ridden on all their lives.
The media has played an indomitable role in unmasking Pakistan’s evils that were perpetually either brushed into oblivion or propagandised a la Goebbels.
Perhaps Pakistanis are still in the denial stage as far as the magnitude of the flood devastation and how it puts Pakistan in peril of actual survival goes. The upper ceiling of land ownership should be 100 acres and with such a large percentage of land inundated, the time is ripe to rid Pakistan of feudalism, both physical and the mindset. And correct the huge gap between the rich and the poor.
The deeply dishonest politicians of Pakistan, with all their vested interests, will not institute land reforms. The people can and must. To call for revolutions and indulge in the impracticable would be another betrayal and an opportunity to save Pakistan lost.
The writer is a columnist, family physician and addictionist. She may be reached at mahjabeen.islam@gmail.com
With the advent of globalisation and the technological revolution, do not imagine your feudal lord dressed in shalwar kameez and pagri with a perpetually curled, waxed moustache; your modern day man is vrooming around in a convertible BMW and is dressed in pants, casual cotton shirts and loafers
Despite how trite it sounds, the floods may well be a blessing in disguise. Perhaps they are meant to wrest Pakistan from the abyss it was hurtling towards and set its compass right.
As idealistic as my three-point action plan, abolish feudalism, prosecute corruption and ensure speedy justice to quick-fix Pakistan may seem, it can be given actual practicality. All that is needed is a national will. In the words of the unequalled Shakespeare:
“There is a tide in the affairs of men,
Which, taken at the flood, leads on to fortune.”
One of the bitter remnants of the British Raj, feudalism was used to honour and ingratiate nawabs, taluqdars, jagirdars, etc. Originally, the intent was to bless the favoured with large tracts of land and when the blessed expired, the land returned to the Raj. During the tenure of the blessings by His Majesty, the grantee enjoyed material, political and social favours. The land was tilled by peasants who had no ownership, with lives bordering on slavery.
Land reforms occurred in post-partition India in 1953, but Pakistan chose to be buried under the yoke of feudalism with its attendant economic, social, educational, human rights and political evils. With Pakistan being largely agrarian, feudalism has permeated and saturated the national psyche and one notices its recurring stamp in what is now an entrenched feudal mindset. With the advent of globalisation and the technological revolution, do not imagine your feudal lord dressed in shalwar kameez and pagri with a perpetually curled, waxed moustache; your modern day man is vrooming around in a convertible BMW and is dressed in pants, casual cotton shirts and loafers.
A few thousand families currently hold Pakistan in a vice-like grip. They own thousands of acres of land that is tilled by haris, landless peasants, who are held in varying degrees of subjugation by cruel feudals. Bondage is widespread in rural Pakistan and landlords and tribal leaders have even created private prisons. There is also the concept of debt bondage that the peasant has to work off, rather than pay off with money or goods, and this debt bondage extends through generations. The violation of basic human rights that this creates is another one of many stains on our nation.
Strongly politically connected or the only political game in the village, feudals do not pay taxes. Themselves minimally educated, if at all, feudals perpetuate the horrific literacy statistics of Pakistan. Married invariably to four women and keeper of numerous others, the feudal lord maintains all in deep ignorance, knowing that education would sever the bondage.
The family and social environment of the feudal community is impervious to the rules of religion and, of course, to modern day justice. Some landlords are alleged pirs or spiritual leaders with propaganda of their lineage to Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) and hordes of people do bayt (swear allegiance to them). Besides the gold that the land brings in, the mureeds or followers rid themselves of a variety of ills by giving nazar or a monetary gift to the pir.
Sad also is the political hold that the feudal families have on Pakistan. Be it the PML-N or the PPP, a majority of the National Assembly members belong to these infamous feudal families. Slowly, but surely, their duplicity is being unmasked. Since the passage of the minimal qualification for election being a bachelor’s degree, many landlords are noted to have fake degrees and their grip on political power has been loosened. A bit.
Pakistanis have an interesting fixation with land. Right after partition, people allegedly walked into abandoned vacant homes and called them their own. Pakistan has been ruled by alternating military and civilian dispensations; in the military regime promotions were accompanied by the giving of pieces of land. And in the heavy cross that the nation bears, all civilian governments have been headed by disgustingly wealthy landlord politicians from infamous feudal families.
And now the floods and the accusation by peasants that the politically powerful diverted the water by breaking the levees so that their lands could be saved, because of which the land of the poor was inundated.
The economic, social and political inequity perpetuated by feudalism must end if Pakistan is not to drown in the literal and figurative sense of the word. The floods provide a strangely painful opportunity to do this. Anger at the feudal lord has been steadily growing and as the media becomes more powerful, stories of the murders, jirga justice, vani (child marriages) and marriages to the Quran to retain property are all coming to light.
Altaf Hussain makes the right noises in terms of abolishing feudalism but suffers from a glaring lack of credibility, hordes of female fans listening to his crackling dramatic voice on a bad speaker notwithstanding. When bhatta (an imposed bribe/tax) is part and parcel of the workings of a party and when he is unable to land in Pakistan for fear of a reprisal murder, no calls for a French Revolution-type movement or ending feudalism will make a dent.
Changing from the PPP to the PML-N is like a collective jump from the frying pan into the fire. The leaders of Pakistan’s major parties are embedded in the Pakistani staple of self-aggrandisement, self-enrichment, unfathomable corruption and a terrible betrayal of the poor whose backs they have ridden on all their lives.
The media has played an indomitable role in unmasking Pakistan’s evils that were perpetually either brushed into oblivion or propagandised a la Goebbels.
Perhaps Pakistanis are still in the denial stage as far as the magnitude of the flood devastation and how it puts Pakistan in peril of actual survival goes. The upper ceiling of land ownership should be 100 acres and with such a large percentage of land inundated, the time is ripe to rid Pakistan of feudalism, both physical and the mindset. And correct the huge gap between the rich and the poor.
The deeply dishonest politicians of Pakistan, with all their vested interests, will not institute land reforms. The people can and must. To call for revolutions and indulge in the impracticable would be another betrayal and an opportunity to save Pakistan lost.
The writer is a columnist, family physician and addictionist. She may be reached at mahjabeen.islam@gmail.com
VIEW: Sialkot and the writing on the wall — II —Naeem Tahir
http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2010\08\28\story_28-8-2010_pg3_6
Sporadic violence perpetuated by conflicting groups is most damaging for a country. It falls short of a revolution and becomes an internal struggle for power by groups with vested interests like ethnicity, religious bias, mafias, and revenge by the have-nots
Castro went to the US to explain his revolution. He said, “I know what the world thinks of us, we are communists, and of course I have said very clearly that we are not communists; very clearly.”
The important thing to note here is that Pakistanis are not religiously aggressive like the situation prevailing at the time of the Iranian Revolution, nor are they communists. There are many commonalities between the Chinese revolution and Russian revolution and even the French revolution. None of the mentioned revolutions were an exact parallel to each other, but there were common factors and causes, and these also exist in Pakistan. It is, however, a question of the tolerance threshold.
The basic factors in all these cases have been:
1. Ineffective governance;
2. Rampant corruption;
3. Elitist apathy regarding the common people;
4. Poor economic conditions;
5. Failure of the legal system to administer justice;
6. Breakdown of law and order;
7.Intolerance reaching a boiling point.
Consider and compare these factors and see if an impending ‘revolution’ is the writing on the wall.
Should this warning be ignored like the warnings of the floods? Certainly not. Because this will not be water flowing in the streets; instead, it can be human blood. Violent revolutions do not discriminate. Anyone perceived among the ‘haves’ by the ‘have-nots’ as guilty gets the wrath even if he is ‘not guilty’. The ‘suspicion’ does it. So it did in Sialkot.
A people’s uprising is not like the drawing room or teahouse revolutions of the ‘intellectuals’. These are cruel and bloody. We cannot say “Hum dekhen gae...” (We will see...) because we may be wiped out in ‘friendly fire’. Now is the time to do something and to save the country and save the saner sections of society.
The situation can be prevented from going out of hand if a sincerely planned strategy is put in place. At least three politicians are known to have been reading the writing on the wall and mentioned the possibility of revolution time and again. These include Dr Sher Afgan Niazi, Imran Khan and Altaf Bhai. Sporadic violence perpetuated by conflicting groups is most damaging for a country. It falls short of a revolution and becomes an internal struggle for power by groups with vested interests like ethnicity, religious bias, mafias, and revenge by the have-nots. A ‘revolution’, if steered by a philosophy, national priorities and sincerity, brings a healthy change at some cost of life and property, but gives a new life to a nation. Do we have leadership and discipline to bring about this type of constructive revolution? The leadership of the MQM, a very serious and disciplined political party, has hinted at a role of the army being acceptable. The ANP leadership has also said so. Most recently Imran Khan in an interview with Dr Shahid Masood agreed that the army has a role to play. All these leaders may have different reasons to seek the army’s role. These could include the lawlessness in Karachi and Sindh. It could be the breakdown of administration in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) and the wayward administrations in Balochistan and Punjab. The Punjab law minister, in an interview on TV on August 23, said clearly that the present legal system for criminal justice is not practicable and criminals cannot be brought to book. It was one of the most clear and surprising admissions from the Punjab law minister. If the civil and criminal law has failed, then what are you hinting at? Relevant voices for action are being heard from at least three federating units and the fourth is likely to follow.
Public perception is an important factor. The public perception of the army is very good at this moment, particularly because of its actions against terrorism and provision of rescue and relief to flood victims. People are also comparing the present civil administration with the previous, favouring the previous one. The other institution, in fact the head of the institution, who commands some respect, is the Supreme Court. This is about all. After the institutions there may be only individuals like the great humanist Mr Edhi and competent technocrats and society members. In my humble opinion, this is a time for a considered and sincere collective action by the National Assembly, institutions, political parties and concerned and sincere individuals from different segments. The bloodshed of a revolution must be avoided but the mobilised energy of the masses must be diverted to build the ‘new’ nation and a nation state. It does not need to be an ‘NRO’, which ended up protecting criminals and the corrupt, but it does need to be a reconciliation to protect the national interests. Urgent methodologies to administer justice within a short time will solve more than half of the problems and defuse the stored ‘anger’ against injustice. It will also restore confidence in the new administration of a revolutionary set-up. The National Assembly should resolve and support a revolutionary set-up. The National Assembly must make necessary legal changes and let the ‘revolutionary set-up’ implement the law speedily and eradicate corruption and lawlessness and so on and so forth. New elections should take place at the scheduled time and should be held fairly under a system that should not be designed to support the landlords, waderas, sardars, elite, and the powerful. It should be designed to pick the best from the working classes and technocrats, specialists and other dedicated individuals committed to continue the process of nation building. The decision needs to be taken now, not later, before the sparks spread the fire beyond control. Revolutions start with small sparks, but end up engulfing everything.
(Concluded)
Naeem Tahir is a culture and media management specialist, a researcher, author, director and actor
Sporadic violence perpetuated by conflicting groups is most damaging for a country. It falls short of a revolution and becomes an internal struggle for power by groups with vested interests like ethnicity, religious bias, mafias, and revenge by the have-nots
Castro went to the US to explain his revolution. He said, “I know what the world thinks of us, we are communists, and of course I have said very clearly that we are not communists; very clearly.”
The important thing to note here is that Pakistanis are not religiously aggressive like the situation prevailing at the time of the Iranian Revolution, nor are they communists. There are many commonalities between the Chinese revolution and Russian revolution and even the French revolution. None of the mentioned revolutions were an exact parallel to each other, but there were common factors and causes, and these also exist in Pakistan. It is, however, a question of the tolerance threshold.
The basic factors in all these cases have been:
1. Ineffective governance;
2. Rampant corruption;
3. Elitist apathy regarding the common people;
4. Poor economic conditions;
5. Failure of the legal system to administer justice;
6. Breakdown of law and order;
7.Intolerance reaching a boiling point.
Consider and compare these factors and see if an impending ‘revolution’ is the writing on the wall.
Should this warning be ignored like the warnings of the floods? Certainly not. Because this will not be water flowing in the streets; instead, it can be human blood. Violent revolutions do not discriminate. Anyone perceived among the ‘haves’ by the ‘have-nots’ as guilty gets the wrath even if he is ‘not guilty’. The ‘suspicion’ does it. So it did in Sialkot.
A people’s uprising is not like the drawing room or teahouse revolutions of the ‘intellectuals’. These are cruel and bloody. We cannot say “Hum dekhen gae...” (We will see...) because we may be wiped out in ‘friendly fire’. Now is the time to do something and to save the country and save the saner sections of society.
The situation can be prevented from going out of hand if a sincerely planned strategy is put in place. At least three politicians are known to have been reading the writing on the wall and mentioned the possibility of revolution time and again. These include Dr Sher Afgan Niazi, Imran Khan and Altaf Bhai. Sporadic violence perpetuated by conflicting groups is most damaging for a country. It falls short of a revolution and becomes an internal struggle for power by groups with vested interests like ethnicity, religious bias, mafias, and revenge by the have-nots. A ‘revolution’, if steered by a philosophy, national priorities and sincerity, brings a healthy change at some cost of life and property, but gives a new life to a nation. Do we have leadership and discipline to bring about this type of constructive revolution? The leadership of the MQM, a very serious and disciplined political party, has hinted at a role of the army being acceptable. The ANP leadership has also said so. Most recently Imran Khan in an interview with Dr Shahid Masood agreed that the army has a role to play. All these leaders may have different reasons to seek the army’s role. These could include the lawlessness in Karachi and Sindh. It could be the breakdown of administration in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) and the wayward administrations in Balochistan and Punjab. The Punjab law minister, in an interview on TV on August 23, said clearly that the present legal system for criminal justice is not practicable and criminals cannot be brought to book. It was one of the most clear and surprising admissions from the Punjab law minister. If the civil and criminal law has failed, then what are you hinting at? Relevant voices for action are being heard from at least three federating units and the fourth is likely to follow.
Public perception is an important factor. The public perception of the army is very good at this moment, particularly because of its actions against terrorism and provision of rescue and relief to flood victims. People are also comparing the present civil administration with the previous, favouring the previous one. The other institution, in fact the head of the institution, who commands some respect, is the Supreme Court. This is about all. After the institutions there may be only individuals like the great humanist Mr Edhi and competent technocrats and society members. In my humble opinion, this is a time for a considered and sincere collective action by the National Assembly, institutions, political parties and concerned and sincere individuals from different segments. The bloodshed of a revolution must be avoided but the mobilised energy of the masses must be diverted to build the ‘new’ nation and a nation state. It does not need to be an ‘NRO’, which ended up protecting criminals and the corrupt, but it does need to be a reconciliation to protect the national interests. Urgent methodologies to administer justice within a short time will solve more than half of the problems and defuse the stored ‘anger’ against injustice. It will also restore confidence in the new administration of a revolutionary set-up. The National Assembly should resolve and support a revolutionary set-up. The National Assembly must make necessary legal changes and let the ‘revolutionary set-up’ implement the law speedily and eradicate corruption and lawlessness and so on and so forth. New elections should take place at the scheduled time and should be held fairly under a system that should not be designed to support the landlords, waderas, sardars, elite, and the powerful. It should be designed to pick the best from the working classes and technocrats, specialists and other dedicated individuals committed to continue the process of nation building. The decision needs to be taken now, not later, before the sparks spread the fire beyond control. Revolutions start with small sparks, but end up engulfing everything.
(Concluded)
Naeem Tahir is a culture and media management specialist, a researcher, author, director and actor
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