Showing posts with label The News Articles. Show all posts
Showing posts with label The News Articles. Show all posts

ET phones home - Chris Cork - Wednesday, June 20, 2012

Source : http://www.thenews.com.pk/Todays-News-9-115471-ET-phones-home


 
Dear Mr Gilani...as a kid I used to be fascinated by the possibility of life on other worlds. My Mum and Dad used to get me a comic back in those days called ‘The Eagle’ and I always looked forwards to the adventures of Dan Dare, who had his own spaceship, several pals one of them a woman of interesting proportions at least to my young eye – and he battled the forces of evil led by a nasty green thing called ‘The Mekon’.

The Mekon was transported around on a gravity-defying little craft and forever wanted to exterminate Dan Dare and his brave companions. Of course he never did, but I did wonder what it is like living a life on another planet, which is why I am writing to you today.

You see, Sir, I always thought that it was a made-up story, and that things coming from outer space was a bit of a silly idea really mostly because of stuff like string theory and the laws of physics and the impossibility of travelling faster than light. But then I came to live in Pakistan.

Wow! My dreams came true! A whole country ruled by aliens from another planet! Being here in Pakistan and having extraterrestrials walking around in broad daylight and doing things and having meetings and looking pretty much like almost everybody else apart from the designer suits that is.

And the electricity. It’s the electricity that is the giveaway, Sir. I know you are from another galaxy because you have amazing powers that us ordinary humans do not have and electricity comes on in every room you walk into. You cannot deny this as there are pictures in the newspapers and on TV. Even when you are in a room with not many windows the lights are on even though for miles around you the wires are as dead as the proverbial dodo.

So I am dropping you a line today to ask that you set up a special task force to look into the possibility of transferring some of your special powers to all the rest of us. Well...not everybody, just me, actually. And a few of my relatives, maybe.

There are some other things that I have noticed that you aliens have got that I would find quite handy as well. Like a car. Any chance of you organising that for me? Would I need to go into some special chamber and have a gazillion jillavolts pumped through me to make the changes in my bodily abilities? I don’t mind one bit really. Not one bit.

Then there’s food. I notice that you seem quite well fed and ‘healthy’ as they say here. Obviously this is because the planet you come from allows you to absorb proteins directly from the air. Sadly several million of my relatives are close to death from starvation, so I wondered if you could, you know, work some of that Gilani magic and take all my brothers, sisters, nieces, aunts, uncles and cousins away from deaths door and give them at least one square meal a day?

Lastly, and I know you are a busy man and I do not want to detain you any longer than necessary, do you think you could teach me to tell fibs at the same time as having a broad smile on my face? This seems like a jolly clever trick that could be useful in all sorts of situations. Give my regards to your family on planet Tgorg and if you could sort out that thing with the electricity I would be grateful forever. Yours sincerely...

The writer is a British social worker settled in Pakistan. Email: manticore73@gmail.com
 

State honour - Part II - Chris Cork Tuesday, June 19, 2012

Source: http://www.thenews.com.pk/Todays-News-9-115408-State-honour---Part-II


 
In recent years, as honour killings have occurred in western cultures there has begun to be an exploration of the psychology behind them, and herein may lie some clues as to the sense of national honour, the honour of the nation state. Honour killings appear to be linked to a form of ‘status anxiety’; the fear of losing status in the eyes of the family and the wider community. There is a pathological sense of insecurity coupled with an incessant pressure on family members to conform to social conventions as encapsulated by the honour codes. The fear is that ‘face’ will be lost and losing face triggers ostracism by the community. There is also a linkage to the perception of social identity, the need to feel that one ‘belongs’ in some way and that loss of that sense is socially disabling.

Male domination coupled with a low perception of female status also has a close correlation to the incidence of honour killing. Cultures where females are less valued are more likely to sanction their killing. Cultures with a high incidence of honour killing such as India and Pakistan also have high incidences of female foeticide and infanticide. Currently this is reaching epidemic levels in India and there are anecdotal but increasing reports of a sharp rise of female foeticide in Pakistan as the gender of unborns is increasingly made known to parents.

There is also a clear correlation between cultures that are sexually repressive and honour killing. It appears that the majority of honour killings are the result of and a punishment for a completely natural human instinct – the desire to interact with the opposite gender, to fall in love. The ‘crime’ may to be to fall in love with a member of a different caste or with somebody outside the selection-circle of arranged marriage. Honour killings have their greatest incidence in patriarchal societies that have high levels of sexual repression coupled with a neurotically anathemous set of attitudes towards the human body and human sexuality. Culture overrides instinct, is negatively reinforced as an acceptable indeed desirable normative value, and lives are forfeit.

Humans are not necessarily rational, fair, decent, honest or good. Few are wholly good and equally few are wholly bad. Honour killing is a pathological behavior which has prehistoric origins and is closely linked to a sense of vulnerability, of threat from ‘the other’ and a need for belonging and status that overrides rational behavior and sanctions a gross aberration. The only way in which cultures can right themselves from this deviant position is by developing a greater sense of stability, losing the intense sense of paranoia that feeds into the ‘victimhood’ which is ostracism and a mature sense of self both as an individual and as a member of the wider population – the state. Can we ‘read across’ the psychopathology of honour killing at the individual and family level as outlined above to an understanding of honour in the context of the state? A cautious ‘possibly’ would be the response of the author.

Firstly there is a disjunction between the honour of the state and the honour of the individual who kills another by reason of honour. The honour of the state is virtually by definition a political expression in the context of international relations, whereas the murder of a relative is intensely personal, a micro-event. It is preposterous to suggest that the honour of Pakistan is so besmirched by America failing to apologise for an incident about which little is clear-cut, and much is disputed even after exhaustive investigation – that it would ‘kill’ America. It is less preposterous to imagine that the state is so slighted by the failure to apologise that it harbours the instinctive desires and thoughts that go with a wish to kill that which has done the dishonouring – but coupled at a state level with the intense frustration of being unable to follow-through on the culturally desirable option.

At an even more abstract level there is the question of whether the state is itself gendered – a motherland – and if feminine then the state carries the honour of the nation-family which has in this instance been believed besmirched.

Again within the context of familial perception coupled to statehood has Pakistan lost face in the eyes of the wider family of, in this case, Muslim nations? Once again a cautious ‘possibly’, if only because Pakistan is still far from having a developed sense of a singular identity, has a powerful sense of victimhood stretching back almost to Partition and is assailed on all sides by ‘the other’ which finds expression in the paranoia of ultranationalism and extremism.

As a Muslim state emerging in the 20th century Pakistan might imagine itself as having a kind of primacy, or at least some seniority, in the family of Muslim nations. To be seen to have been treated not once but many times over decades in a way that is dishonouring by a powerful hegemon, America, adds layer upon layer to the sense of humiliation that eventually accretes to an internalised anger that has no outlet and the state begins to feed on its own frustrations. There is thus a sense of weakness, of an inability to uphold the values of honour and discharge the responsibilities that go with the honour of the state, and that perception again feeds into the internal conflicts of the ‘family’ that is a forever-fractious Pakistan.

Other factors – the profound patriarchy and the sexually repressed nature of Pakistani culture – have little relevance in the paradigm of state dishonour but it is possible to at least get a hazy grasp of how and why Pakistan at the macro, the state level, perceives and feels dishonour. It would be unwise to try and make an exact fit between the factors that underlie honour killing and the honour of the state, but it is apparent that there is at least some congruity. In particular it is the acute experience of being disrespected, of not being valued in a way that is perceived as sincere and most specifically the frustration at not being able to make a response that satisfies cultural imperatives. The sense that the only way of righting the wrong is to kill that which has brought dishonour to your house.

An understanding of the complex psychosocial make-up of the honour construct is an essential part of doing business with Pakistan – or indeed any other state where ‘honour’ is a quality in the ascendant as much as it is on the wane in the west. This is not to say that the west is inherently dishonourable, merely that it has a differential understanding of honour and a set of social and societal values and constructs that are a poor fit towards the east. Honour, like democracy, is not a one-size-fits-all garment, and the honour and dignity of Pakistan when viewed through an analytical prism has indeed been besmirched within the context of a national value-construct. An apology for Salala may ease the unease, but time invested in a closer understanding of how Pakistan experiences itself would yield even greater benefits.

Concluded

The writer is a British social worker settled in Pakistan. Email: manticore73@ gmail.com

A region in transition - Shamshad Ahmad Tuesday, June 19, 2012

Source: http://www.thenews.com.pk/Todays-News-9-115406-A-region-in-transition


 
 
The post-9/11 world has seen an unprecedented change in the nature and gravity of its problems. While countries and nations have been able to move away from the bitter antagonisms of the past to embrace peace, Asia’s major regions continue to be a global hotspot. The long-standing Asian issues include the Palestine question, Kashmir, the tensions on the Korean Peninsula and across the Strait of Taiwan and the triangular relations among Japan, the US and China, or in an expanded regional context, pentagonal relations among these three powers, plus Russia and India.

The post-Cold War unipolarity has also created a serious imbalance of global power. The concept of collective security and acceptance of moral and legal imperatives enshrined in the UN Charter are no longer the basis of the world order today. Historical grievances and outstanding disputes continue to be unaddressed. Economic adventurism of the 19th century is back. What aggravates this scenario is the growing inability of the international community to respond to these challenges with unity of purpose.

The ramifications of endless tensions and instability in some parts of Asia for global peace and security are immense. Some of the sources of these tensions and conflicts in Asia include America’s yet-to-end war in Afghanistan and its continuing power-play in Central Asia, the Indo-US military and nuclear nexus with its destabilising effect on the prospects of peace in South Asia, the continuing Iranian nuclear crisis, North Korea’s worrisome nuclear and ICBM capability, the deadlocked six-party talks on this issue, and other unresolved territorial disputes in the region, including those between Japan and Russia, China and South Korea.

In this murky scenario, China represents Asia’s only ray of hope. As a pillar of strength for the world community, China is already playing an important role not only for the maintenance of international peace and security but also in averting any major global economic crises. Since the end of the Cold War, there has been a discernible change in China’s foreign policy which, based on the principle of peaceful coexistence, has had an important effect on modern international relations. Globally, China is today a major stabilising force in the world’s economic and fiscal system and also an effective, stabilising player in the UN Security Council.

Guided by its long-term politico-economic interests, China has been following pragmatic policies in seeking improvement of its relations with the US and other advanced countries, as well as with India. On its differences or disputes with some of its neighbours, China’s policy is that they should be “appropriately managed and resolved through dialogue and consultation based on realities and in accordance with the basic norms governing international relations.” It has peacefully addressed its border issues with Russia and is engaged in creating a friendly neighbourhood with other adjacent countries.

But China has its own regional and global concerns and is not oblivious of the challenges resulting from the US-led new unipolarity or its ascendency in Asian regions. No wonder, in recent years, there has been a conspicuous development of closeness between China and Russia in reaction to what they perceive as growing US strategic outreach in their backyard. They especially share an interest in curbing Washington’s influence in strategically important and resource-rich Central Asia.

This year’s Shanghai Cooperation Organisation Summit in Beijing earlier this month clearly flagged a mood swing in Asia’s heartlands referring to the growing number of hotbeds in different regions by calling for the intensification of the SCO efforts to strengthen regional security and to jointly counter the global challenges. Indeed, China and Russia are bound together in this organisation by their common geo-strategic and economic interests in the region, their mutual concern over the increasing US hegemony and their eagerness to promote a multipolar world.

One should not forget that their main common worry has been the growing fear of Islamic fundamentalism and radical influences seeping out of this region and inflaming their discontented populations. According to President Nazarbaev of Kazakhstan, “the cradle of terrorism, separatism and extremism is the instability in Afghanistan.” This threat is no less worrisome to China and Russia. Both have been concerned over the persistent instability in the region and the resultant trends of terrorism, separation and extremism.

It is therefore understandable that despite its members’ professed intention to address “a full range of international issues,” the SCO’s focus remains firmly on their immediate concerns, regional security issues in general and Islamic extremism in particular. It is also natural that as main powers of the region, Russia and China would have vital interest in the region’s energy resources and its potential as a market and investment outlet. In this context, they have given the SCO a typical regional security dimension focused essentially on intra-regional threats to their own territorial integrity.

Defence and security cooperation is already an important part of the SCO agenda. In April this year, Russia and China conducted a joint naval exercise Sea Cooperation 2012 in the Yellow Sea, following four bilateral military exercises since 2005. The armed forces of the SCO member states held a joint “Peace Mission Drill” in Tajikistan earlier this month involving more than 2,000 servicemen from China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. The scenario envisaged joining forces in an anti-terrorist operation in mountainous areas against the background of a regional crisis caused by terrorist activities.

During President Putin’s recent state visit to Beijing preceding the SCO summit, Russia and China found common language in foreign affairs and undertook to cooperate to ensure security in the Asia Pacific region. In this context both countries vowed to expand military cooperation in the form of closer relations between their defence ministries and joint military and naval exercises. Moscow is reported to be working on an ambitious plan for modernisation of its military capabilities by 2015. China is also building up its naval capabilities. Both countries are already increasing their mutual trade. In the coming years, China could become a major buyer of Russia’s military hardware and energy resources.

In the context of Afghanistan, both China and Russia, like us, want early restoration of peace in that war-ravaged country free of foreign influence or domination. But they are more concerned over what they see as forces of “extremism, terrorism and separatism” emanating from this region as a conduit of destabilisation in their own territories. In fact, the very rationale for the establishment of SCO in the 90s was to forestall these very forces. To an extent, this creates a convergence of interests in the long-terms objectives of the SCO and NATO countries. This part of Asia is certainly in transition, but any assumptions of the SCO emerging as a regional security bloc at this stage would be too far-fetched.

Against this backdrop, China and Pakistan will have to explore new avenues of reinforcing their strategic relationship through further expansion in their multi-dimensional bilateral collaboration, including in areas of defence equipment, high-tech heavy industry and the energy sector, as well as in developing communication and energy infrastructure. Pakistan, as a crucial player in the Afghan endgame, must focus on a new regional approach that secures Afghanistan’s independence and neutrality through a UN-led peace process.

With impending US withdrawal from Afghanistan, Pakistan could also play an important role in bringing ECO and SCO together in terms of closer inter-regional cooperation between the two organisations, which have a tremendous overlap in terms of common membership and huge combined economic potential which if exploited properly could transform this part of Asia into an economic powerhouse besides making it a major factor of regional and global stability.

The writer is a former foreign secretary. Email: shamshad1941@ yahoo.com

Why the ice didn’t melt - Dr Maleeha Lodhi Tuesday, June 19, 2012

Source: http://www.thenews.com.pk/Todays-News-9-115405-Why-the-ice-didn%E2%80%99t-melt


From Print Edition
 
 
The writer is special adviser to the Jang Group/Geo and a former envoy to the US and the UK.

The anodyne joint statement said it all. No progress was made on the Siachen dispute in last week’s talks between the defence officials of Pakistan and India. The only agreement indicated by the statement issued at the conclusion of the talks was for officials to meet again. The June 11-12 defence secretaries’ talks also failed to advance discussion of what should be a non-contentious aspect of Siachen – the environmental degradation being caused by military activity on the glacier.

The thirteenth round of talks on the 28-year old dispute turned out to be a virtual replay of the previous round of May 2011. Both sides restated their well-rehearsed positions. The main obstacle remained India’s insistence that before demilitarisation Pakistan should agree on authentication of present troop positions and demarcation of the Actual Ground Position Line (AGPL). The Indian delegation also dismissed Pakistan’s non-paper handed over last year as containing “nothing new”.

This unedifying outcome was foretold well before the talks by statements from top Indian leaders in the weeks and days leading up to the negotiations. Some of these were prompted by public remarks made by Pakistan’s army chief General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani in April when he visited Gayari sector after the avalanche tragedy that claimed the lives of 139 soldiers and civilians. He called for demilitarisation of the Siachen glacier and “peaceful resolution” of all disputes between Pakistan and India.

This evoked a lively media debate in both countries. But it drew a tepid response from Delhi. India’s junior Defence Minister Pallam Raju avoided comment on the need to resolve the dispute making only a perfunctory statement about the challenge of maintaining troops on the glacier. More significantly Defence Minister AK Antony told the Rajya Sabha that authentication of present (Indian) troop positions was a pre-requisite for any progress in negotiations.

India’s chief of army staff, VK Singh went further. In an interview he cast General Kayani’s call for a peaceful resolution as “nothing new”, ruled out any pullback by the Indian army from Siachen, and gratuitously added “all of Jammu and Kashmir belongs to India”. He also made light of the hope expressed by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh when he visited Siachen some years ago to make the glacier “a mountain of peace”. “We should not”, said General Singh, “succumb to these bouts of thinking about peace mountains”.

Meanwhile a flood of articles in the Indian press ahead of the Rawalpindi talks urged Delhi not ‘give away’ India’s hard won military gains on the negotiating table. A common refrain of many in India’s strategic community was that if India did not retain the Saltoro ridge, a ‘Pakistan-China axis’ would bring the Karakorum Pass under its control and jeopardise the security of Ladakh.

Minister Antony declared on the eve of the talks not to “expect (any) dramatic announcement or decision on an issue which is very important for (our) national security.” A day before, a meeting of India’s cabinet committee on security apparently decided – and then leaked to the media – that Delhi would not give up its tactical and strategic advantage in the glacier area.

This was a repeat of what preceded last year’s talks. On the eve of the twelfth round India’s top national security official told Pakistan’s High Commissioner in Delhi not to “expect anything” from the parleys.

In this unpromising backdrop, two days of talks in Rawalpindi went according to the script. Pakistan’s effort to elicit an Indian response to the constructive ideas contained in its 2011 non-paper came to naught. The Indian delegation saw nothing in these proposals to provide a basis to move forward.

In the non-paper, Islamabad had reiterated the principles for a settlement agreed to by the two countries in 1989 – redeployment outside the zone of conflict, a monitoring and verification mechanism to be determined by military experts, and demarcation of the Line of Control beyond NJ 9842 thereafter. In an important demonstration of flexibility Pakistan also offered that when a schedule of withdrawal was drawn up it could consist of lists of both “present” and “future” positions. This would be subject to the stipulation that these would exclusively be for monitoring purposes and not to stake any moral or legal claim at the time of a final settlement of the dispute.

The Indian side rejected this, offered no new ideas, and reiterated its familiar position of authentication and demarcation of present positions on the ground and on the map, with demilitarisation and “future positions” to follow later.

To bridge differences on sequencing the steps needed for demilitarisation and address India’s how-can-we-trust-you argument, the Pakistani delegation suggested that agreed steps could be undertaken simultaneously. But the Indian side refused to budge from its position.

When Pakistani negotiators said a solution to Siachen was important for peace and security in South Asia, this was met by the familiar Indian argument that Delhi had larger concerns beyond South Asia -an obvious reference to China.

The Pakistani delegation’s effort to engage the Indian side in a discussion on environmental degradation due to human activity on the glacier elicited no response. The Indian side declined to accept that any degradation was in progress and instead referred to reports suggesting there had been no negative environmental impact. It was also unwilling to include any reference to this issue in the joint statement or to pursue further discussions on this.

Pakistan’s desire for a speedy solution was conveyed by the proposal to convene another round of talks quickly without waiting for another year to go by. This too got little traction. The Indian emphasis was on first creating an environment of trust and confidence before looking for solutions to disputes, an echo of its characteristic position in previous rounds. In this context the Indian delegation emphasised instituting new CBMs including visits between military institutions and exchange of military bands. The Pakistani side read this as sidestepping the real issue.

With no progress accomplished in the thirteenth round and little prospect of Delhi showing the flexibility needed to overcome the impasse, the dialogue on Siachen has increasingly become more about process than outcome.

Among the broader signals sent by the Indian stance three are noteworthy. One, India wants normalisation of relations between the two countries to proceed only in areas on its priority list – trade, people-to-people contact, economic and cultural ties, and not resolution of long-standing disputes, which top Pakistan’s priorities. Two, little or no progress can be expected in the dialogue on various disputes because – for now – Delhi perceives no need to make compromises. With diminished interest by the international community to nudge Delhi in this direction and the US wooing India in its strategic aim to contain China, Delhi sees no pressure or incentive to show the accommodation needed to settle disputes with Pakistan.

Three, emphasising confidence building measures enables Delhi to postpone or deflect addressing the substance of disputes and even serve as an alibi to avoid finding solutions to disputes. It is interesting to note in this regard that while India ‘trusts’ Pakistan enough to open up and expand trade, that trust evaporates when it comes to addressing outstanding disputes.

The key question this raises is whether Pakistan-India normalisation can be sustainable without solving the disputes that lie at the root of long-standing tensions? Surely a diplomatic dance around the real issues – with a focus on process not progress – can hardly establish the basis for enduring peace.

Editorial The News - Wednesday, March 21, 2012

Source : http://www.thenews.com.pk/Todays-News-8-98786-Reviewing-ties


Much before the Salala attacks, it was increasingly clear that far beyond communication failures and chain-of-command issues, the Pak-US relationship faced profound, existential problems, not least deep suspicions of each other. The exchange of reports, accusations and counter-accusations since the attack has laid bare the extent of this mistrust. Thus, it is timely that Pakistani lawmakers are now debating the terms of re-engagement with the US as encapsulated in the report of the Parliamentary Committee on National Security. The exercise should result in making the consequent policies more representative and acceptable, it is also important to objectively review the parliamentary committee’s recommendations and assess their appropriateness and feasibility.

Why not Kohistan? - Ayesha Haroon - Wednesday, March 21, 2012

Source : http://www.thenews.com.pk/Todays-News-9-98790-Why-not-Kohistan


After the article on social media was printed, a reader asked: Why did the Maya Khan issue result in action but not the Kohistan and Mastung killings, despite social media crying hoarse about them? Why, indeed?

We protest the horrible civilian killings by a US soldier in Afghanistan and continue to follow the news: what will the US government charge him with, how will the case unfold, etc. So when dozens of equally innocent people get killed in Kohistan and Mastung, why is there no concrete action?

We expect the US to follow legal procedure to investigate and punish its soldier, but not Islamabad to catch the killers and punish them. What a very sorry state of affairs.

It is easier for us to talk of matters related to the war on terror, the environment, women’s rights, child labour, and so on, but not sectarian militancy. Sometimes, we are afraid of antagonising the religious sentiments of those who belong to a different sect. Other times, the crime is physically far removed (Kohistan) and does not impinge on our everyday life more than the usual culture of violence in which we live. Oftentimes, however, we do not have enough information to make up our mind – and do not make the effort to look beyond the official construct of events.

Balochistan: a thousand apologies are not enough - Iqbal Haider Wednesday, March 21, 2012

Source : http://www.thenews.com.pk/Todays-News-9-98791-Balochistan-a-thousand-apologies-are-not-en


After the murder of Nawab Akbar Bugti, Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain and Mushahid Hussain Sayed paid rich tributes to him, as reported in the print media of Aug 28, 2006. These two favourites of Gen Musharraf “slammed the killing of Akbar Bugti and stated that it should not have happened.” Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain expressed his indebtedness to Nawab Bugti for saving the life of his father, Zahoor Elahi. Mushahid also disclosed that “he had successfully negotiated with Bugti to normalise the situation in Sui and Dera Bugti.”

Now, should we believe Gen Musharraf, who portrays Nawab Bugti as an enemy of Pakistan, or should we believe his two trusted stalwarts who hold Nawab Bugti in high esteem?

Controversies aplenty - Rahimullah Yusufzai - Wednesday, March 21, 2012

Source : http://www.thenews.com.pk/Todays-News-9-98789-Controversies-aplenty


With the likes of Mansoor Ijaz and now Younis Habib occupying the centre-stage for days and weeks at a stretch, there can never be a dull moment in Pakistan. There are others to give them company and amuse the people by making disclosures and digging up the past. It is, however, another matter if all this muck-raking would lead to anything tangible and make anyone accountable.

If anything, more legal battles would be fought as a result of the accusations and counter-accusations and lawyers, those already well-known and over-paid, would get to earn more money and fame as counsels for rich clients. This would mean greater preoccupation for the supreme and high courts in cases of political nature and also more controversy due to the polarised state of our politics.

Promise and problems of an ‘Asian century’ - Dr Maleeha Lodhi - Wednesday, March 21, 2012

Source : http://www.thenews.com.pk/Todays-News-9-98788-Promise-and-problems-of-an-Asian-century


The writer is special adviser to the Jang Group/Geo and a former envoy to the US and the UK.

Pakistan figured frequently, at times unexpectedly, during last week’s conference in Delhi organised by India Today. The media group’s annual ‘conclave’ is a glitzy, high profile affair. This year was no different.

The theme was ‘An Asian Century’ but the subjects covered were diverse. They ranged from corruption, cricket, dynastic politics and citizen activism to India’s economic future, the rise of China and shifts in global power. Speakers were just as varied – masters of strategy, Bollywood stars, sportsmen, business entrepreneurs, social activists, writers and political leaders.

The conference was less an exercise in self-congratulation than a discussion of the political weaknesses and socio-economic problems afflicting the region. This underlined a central theme – that to realise its global promise Asia first had to resolve its innumerable challenges.

Defending the constitution - Raana Shah - Tuesday, March 20, 2012

Source : http://www.thenews.com.pk/Todays-News-9-98637-Defending-the-constitution


The black days of Pakistan’s short history range from the hanging of a prime minister to the sacking of the Supreme Court, repeated takeovers by the military, the mutilation of our Constitution and the promulgation of the National Reconciliation Ordinance (NRO). These dark events changed the course of Pakistan’s history and gave the country a gloomy future. At the heart of these misfortunes was nothing more than efforts by individuals to grab power by any means whatever. The almost irreversible damage to the country and its entire system is only a by-product of their greed for power and money.

Living dangerously with debt - Dr Ashfaque H Khan - Tuesday, March 20, 2012

Source : http://www.thenews.com.pk/Todays-News-9-98636-Living-dangerously-with-debt


Pakistan’s debt has grown rapidly in recent years. At the end of June 2007, the outstanding stock of public debt totalled Rs4.8 trillion rising to Rs11.7 trillion by the end of December 2011. In just four and a half years, Pakistan’s public debt has more than doubled. Public debt grew both in absolute term as well as in relation to the GDP. It rose annually by 23 percent during the period and has come to outpace the growth in nominal GDP, thereby increasing the country’s debt burden.

Within public debt, it is domestic debt that has grown at a faster pace (over 25 percent per annum) than external debt. The extraordinary surge in domestic debt is more worrisome because it is relatively more expensive. Interest payment has emerged as the single largest expenditure item in the budget, of which the payment on domestic debt accounts for over 90 percent of the total.

Within domestic debt, the composition has undergone considerable changes in the last four years. Medium-to-long term debt is being converted into short-term debt with serious consequences for government’s debt management strategy. Today, more than one-half of the domestic debt (Rs3.3 trillion) is of short-term maturity, which must be rolled over at least once a year. Besides refinancing over Rs3 trillion of short maturity debt in a given year, the government also needs money to finance its current year revenue-expenditure gap. Debt management has therefore become a nightmare for the policymakers. It has exposed the government to rollover and interest rate risks.

External debt and liabilities also rose sharply over the last four and a half years. The total outstanding stock of external debt stood at $40 billion by end June 2007, but rose sharply to over $61 billion by end December 2011 – an addition of $21 billion during the period. Had it not been for the suspension of the IMF programme, Pakistan would have added another $3 billion in debt.

Many factors have contributed to the recent surge in debt; prominent among these are persistence of large fiscal and current account deficits, sharp depreciation of exchange rate, higher discount rate and, most importantly, the evolution of a cavalier attitude towards debt. Large fiscal and current account deficits necessitated more borrowing, both in rupee and foreign exchange, by the government. The depreciation of exchange rate alone has added Rs1400 billion. The attitude towards debt has been a transformation from a hesitancy to borrow to an intense use of borrowed resources during the period.

High and rising debt constitutes a serious threat to economic prosperity for a number of reasons. It acts as a major impediment to growth, and hence to employment generation and poverty alleviation. It discourages both foreign and domestic investment because it creates uncertainty about the government’s policy and crowds out private investment. It further puts pressure on the exchange rate thereby causing sharp depreciation with an attendant rise in public debt and inflation. It also discourages the government from undertaking structural reforms in the various sectors of the economy.

The unprecedented surge in debt over the last four and a half years has already caused serious damage to the economy. Investment is at a 37 year low, foreign investment has collapsed, economic growth has slowed to an average of less than 3 percent, and unemployment and poverty have risen. The Pakistani rupee has lost over one-third of its value, which has further aggravated the country’s debt situation with inflation persisting at double-digits for 50 months in a row.

What is there in store for Pakistan in the next two years (2012-13 and 2013-14)? Although Pakistan has not yet arrived at the point of almost total collapse as witnessed by Greece, Italy, and other Eurozone countries, but the critical ingredients that brought the them to the brink are very much present today in Pakistan. For example, the culture of patronage, fiscal indiscipline, bleeding PSEs, higher budget deficit, unsustainable debt, bad governance, and persistence of slower economic growth are some of the common elements present in today’s Pakistan. If the status quo is maintained, Pakistan may face a similar situation in the next two years when it will have little resources to meet its external debt obligations.

Heavy debt repayment is expected in the next two years. Pakistan may be able to service its external debt to the extent of over $5.0 billion this year, of which, $1.46 billion is to be paid to the IMF alone. However, it may face serious difficulties in meeting external debt obligations which are expected to be over $9 billion each in the next two years, of which, Pakistan will have to repay about $4.3 billion in 2012-13 and $4.8 billion in 2013-14 to the IMF alone. Such a sharp jump in repayment would put Pakistan’s balance of payments in total disarray.

What should Pakistan be doing to protect itself from the impending debt crisis? Pakistan must take the following steps: i) reduce fiscal deficit to 3.0 percent of the GDP in three years by mobilising additional resources, taking bold decisions regarding the bleeding PSEs, reducing power sector subsidies through improvising efficiencies; ii) accelerate privatisation programmes with enhanced transparency; iii) maintain stability in exchange rate; iv) change attitude towards debt from intense borrowing with pride to borrowing only when necessary; v) revisit the NFC Award; and vi) undertake growth-critical reforms to revive economic growth.

Pakistanis are born free but they are in shackled in debt. Unprecedented surge in debt is the road to ruin and the failure to repay will be a breach of trust with disastrous consequences. No growth and prosperity can be achieved without reducing the country’s debt burden. Can our political leadership rise to the challenge? Can our economic managers tell the truth to the political leadership?

The writer is principal and dean at NUST Business School, Islamabad. Email: ahkhan@ nbs.edu.pk

Balochistan: a thousand apologies are not enough - Iqbal Haider - Tuesday, March 20, 2012

Source : http://www.thenews.com.pk/Todays-News-9-98635-Balochistan-a-thousand-apologies-are-not-en


If US Congressman Dana Rohrabacher had not moved a resolution on Balochistan last month the most alarming conditions in Balochistan would not have received so much attention in the print and electronic media and by government and opposition politicians. This resolution of the US Congressman has awakened our past military president and the present elected president. On March 8, in a meeting with the chief minister of Balochistan, our worthy president considered it necessary to highlight the development funds granted for Balochistan and his willingness to apologise ten times to the estranged Baloch for the excesses committed against them in the past.

In a similar manner, Gen Musharraf, who is responsible for unpardonable atrocities committed in Balochistan, also highlighted the so-called “development schemes and projects” approved by him for Balochistan in his article in two parts, titled “Understanding Balochistan.” This was an attempt by Musharraf to exonerate himself and further mislead the people.

Neither mega-development programmes nor a thousand apologies are good enough unless the grievances of the people of Balochistan are addressed. Incalculable wrongs were committed against the Baloch by the regime of Gen Musharraf. Most regrettably the same policies are still continuing under the present elected government.

Most of the contentions of Gen Musharraf are either wholly baseless, or distorted and highly exaggerated. Like the present president who takes pride in the mega- development projects under “Aghaz-e-Haqooq-e-Balochistan,” Gen Musharraf has also presented a long list of his so-called achievements during his reign of terror. If these development projects and achievements were the answer to the turmoil in Balochistan then normalcy should have been restored long ago. The ground realities prevailing in Balochistan prove that such measures alone are not the solution to the issues and have failed to satisfy the aspirations of the people of Balochistan.

Gen Musharraf committed barbaric atrocities against the Baloch nationalists. after he made a unilateral declaration of war against the three popular Baloch tribal sardars, Sardar Akbar Bugti, Sardar Khair Bakhsh Marri and Sardar Attaullah Mengal, and their family members and followers. The Marris and Mengals were never in league with the Bugtis. On the contrary, when the Bizenjo-Mengal government in Balochistan was unjustly dissolved in 1973, the Bugtis were direct beneficiaries of that.

Nawab Bugti was then appointed governor of Balochistan and remained a trusted and favoured ally of all the governments till the early years of the Musharraf regime. The attacks of Gen Musharraf on all three brought them close to each other. The Musharraf regime resorted to the worst atrocities on the soil of Pakistan and against our nationals both by aerial bombing and through the use of our forces in Awaran, Panjgur and the Murri and Dera Bugti. So much so, that from 2003 an exodus started from various districts of Balochistan, in particular from Dera Bugti, Kuhlo, Marri area, Kahan, Panjgur, Awaran, Barkhan, Jabbar and Pekal.

Details of the mass exodus and the atrocities were published in many reports in national dailies and monthly magazines, as well as in the HRCP reports of 2006 and 2009, with the testimonies of the families of the victims and local leaders.

The repeated claims that there is no army operation in Balochistan are also belied by the contents of the article by Gen Musharraf and were never believed by the people of Pakistan. For ordinary people there is no difference between army or paramilitary forces or law-enforcement agencies. For them they all look alike and act alike. The question remains unanswered as to why the internally displaced persons from the effected districts of Balochistan have not been rehabilitated with adequate compensation for repair and restoration of their houses?

In an attempt to justify the murder and mayhem let loose by him, Gen Musharraf has alleged that “Nawab Akbar Bugti was challenging the FC, the army, the provincial government, and indeed Pakistan.” He conveniently forgets that the two prime ministers nominated by him were great admirers of Nawab Akbar Bugti. Soon after his election as prime minister, Mr Zafarullah Jamali declared in December 2002 that Nawab Bugti was his “ideal political leader.” His successor, Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain, who was appointed as prime minister by Gen Musharraf during a transitory period declared that “I owe a debt of gratitude to Nawab Bugti and the province of Balochistan and its people.”

In order to discharge this debt, Chaudhry Sahib, being a favourite and trusted ally of Gen Musharraf, constituted a parliamentary committee on Balochistan comprising 38 members of the National Assembly and the Senate. This committee was headed by Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain and included his close aides and favourites, Senators Mushahid Hussain and Waseem Sajjad, as well as members of all the political parties represented in the parliament including the JWP of Nawab Bugti. Two sub-committees of members of parliament were also constituted. One was headed by Mushahid Hussain, secretary general of the PML-Q, and the other was headed by Mr Waseem Sajjad. The members of this committee met and sought the views of most of the prominent Baloch leaders including Nawab Akbar Bugti, Sardar Khair Bukhsh Marri, Sardar Ataullah Mengal, Dr Abdul Hai Baloch and the Khan of Kalat.

After due deliberations amongst themselves and discussions with the prominent leaders of Balochistan, including Nawab Bugti, the sub-committee headed by Mushahid Hussain submitted its report and recommendations. Nawab Bugti had welcomed these committees and supported the recommendations of the sub-committee, but neither was the parliamentary committee allowed to conclude its final report nor did Gen Musharraf practically implement the recommendations of the sub-committee. He continue his most aggressive and counterproductive policy of attacking Dera Bugti and other districts of Balochistan with full force, which resulted in the death of Nawab Akbar Bugti and his innumerable followers.

In his article Gen Musharraf conveniently omitted to mention his public threat to Nawab Bugti: “You will not know what has hit you.” This was no hollow threat, it was executed on Aug 26, 2006. And to add to the heinousness of the crime, the remains of Nawab Akbar Bugti were kept in a locked coffin. None of his blood relations, family members, followers and admirers of the Bugti tribe were allowed to see his face or to offer even funeral prayers before the locked coffin was buried. Perhaps, even now none of the family members and admirers of the Nawab are allowed to visit his grave. We still don’t know what is in the locked coffin.

This shocking treatment meted out to Nawab Bugti and others naturally resulted in a wave of anger not only in Balochistan but also all over Pakistan. It appears that either the Musharraf regime was oblivious of the consequences or wilfully pushed the Baloch to the wall.

(To be continued)

The writer, a former senator, attorney general and federal minister, is a Supreme Court advocate. Email: ihaider45@yahoo.com

Moment of reckoning for Congress - Aijaz Zaka Syed - Tuesday, March 20, 2012

Source : http://www.thenews.com.pk/Todays-News-9-98634-Moment-of-reckoning-for-Congress


They say nothing succeeds like success. A case in point is the lionisation of the Samajwadi Party leader Mulayam Singh Yadav following the stupefying performance of his party in the Uttar Pradesh Assembly polls. And the Muslims have been the loudest in cheering for the SP. Their jubilation is doubly justified because the Muslim vote is seen to have played a critical role in the decisive SP victory. A fact that doesn’t seem to have gone down too well with the television pundits as well as the Congress and Bahujan Samaj Party leaders.

Indeed, with their concentration in nearly 150 assembly constituencies and significant presence in numerous others, the Muslim vote may have played a decisive role in tilting the scales in the largest and most crucial state of the country in terms of population and influence.

These elections are historic also because for the first time since Independence the UP assembly – or for that matter any assembly – has 68 Muslims on its roll, most of them from the SP. In another first, the Muslim representation ratio is in direct proportion to their population share. Frustrated with the callous indifference of the BSP and fearful of the BJP’s resurgence, the community overwhelmingly voted for the SP. The Muslims had once been very close to the party. Mulayam was derided as ‘Maulana Mulayam’ by the media. This was in the crucial years before and after the Babri Masjid watershed.

Unlike the Congress, which unleashed the Ayodhya demons and always spoke from both sides of its mouth, Mulayam stood his ground as the UP chief minister, repeatedly confronting the mob that the VHP-BJP-RSS combine had amassed in the temple town to attack the mosque.

The Mulayam-Muslim love affair lost its fervour with the rise of fixers like Amar Singh. The SP’s embracing of BJP leader Kalyan Singh, who had presided over the mosque destruction in 1992, proved the final straw on the camel’s back. It’s no coincidence that power eluded Mulayam as long as the Muslims shunned him.

But to be fair, more than an endorsement of the SP, this had been a firm rejection of chief minister Mayawati’s arrogance and the smug insincerity of the Congress. While Mayawati’s elephantine delusions of grandeur, seen in those obscene monuments to her glory and her poll symbol, elephant, certainly didn’t help the BSP’s case, what really ticked off the Muslims was the arrogance of the Congress party and its assumption that the community would be forever dancing to its tunes in return for the promise of some pathetic crumbs in an indefinite future.

Clearly, the more ground realities change, the more they remain the same for the Congress. Given Rahul Gandhi’s background and his alleged aversion to power, many thought the so-called prime minister-in-waiting would bring a refreshing change to the grand ol’ party. But it was not to be. The Congress is incapable of mending its ways no matter who is in charge.

The Muslim disillusionment – and that of the rest of the population – with Sonia Gandhi’s party is so complete that it has been totally routed in constituencies that were its traditional, ‘safe’ strongholds. Poor Salman Khurshid! The law minister bent over backwards to push his wife past the post, including waving the lollipop of quota for Muslim at her poll rally. But Louise Khurshid couldn’t even save her deposit in the family fortress of Farrukhabad. In Rae Bareilly, Sonia Gandhi’s parliamentary constituency and an old Congress bastion, the party lost all five assembly seats. Apparently, all that gruelling campaigning by the ‘Prince’ and his endless visits to Dalit and Muslim homes were of no use.

One is not too comfortable with this Muslim tendency to take credit for changing the political landscape in a state that has given India eight of its 14 prime ministers and often determines who gets to rule the country. If things have dramatically changed in Lucknow signalling an imminent change in Delhi, the credit goes to the people of UP who had had enough of Mayawati’s maya. The Muslims merely voted with the rest of them.

However, there’s no mistaking the Muslim rage against the Congress and it’s not limited to the Hindi heartland. While the community, disturbed over the 2002 Gujarat genocide under the BJP, went out of its way to decisively vote for the Congress-led UPA, all they have received in turn is empty promises and pointless academic pursuits like the Sachar Committee and Ranganath Mishra Commission reports.

Instead of implementing the recommendations of his own appointed commissions that paint a very disturbing and shameful picture of the condition of Muslims, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has dithered and looked the other way while a silent witch-hunt of the community gathered pace across the country.

Over the past few years, hundreds of innocent Muslims have been routinely picked up as the operatives of the ubiquitous Lashkar-e-Taiba or the terrorists of the Indian Mujahideen, an organisation that, as veteran journalist Saeed Naqvi puts it, simply doesn’t exist and is more like a figment of intelligence agencies’ imagination.

The recently reported case of a Delhi boy, Mohammed Aamir, who was arrested at 18 and wasted 14 years of his life behind the bars without a trial and without ever discovering his crime, maybe the proverbial tip of the iceberg. There are many such Aamirs out there – picked up from the Hindutva haven in the west to the Congress-ruled states in the south and UP and Bihar in the north.

The detention this month of eminent journalist Syed Mohammed Kazmi on the charges of masterminding the recent attack on an Israeli embassy car is the latest in this concerted campaign targeting the country’s largest minority. The arrest of Kazmi, a newsreader working for the Doordarshan, hasn’t just added to the Muslim anger, it has outraged the media community sparking spontaneous protests. To quote Naqvi again, the Indian establishment has hopelessly been infected by ‘the war on terror’ syndrome, creating an almost unbridgeable chasm with the minorities.

All this of course may not be the official policy of the UPA government led by the soft-spoken Singh. But what Muslims cannot forget and forgive is the fact that this constant victimisation of the community by police and security agencies has happened on the watch of Dr Singh and Congress chief Sonia Gandhi.

If the general elections were to be held tomorrow, which now looks an increasing possibility what with the antics of allies like Mamata Banerjee, Muslims would give the party of Gandhi and Nehru, already on the ropes thanks to all those scams, a piece of their mind. The moment of reckoning for the Congress is nigh.

Email: aijaz.syed@hotmail.com

The News Editorial : Tuesday, March 20, 2012

Source : http://www.thenews.com.pk/TodaysPrint.aspx?ID=8

Dangerous


The prime minister and his ‘legal’ team are trying to set a dangerous precedent. Instead of obeying the law, the chief executive of the country has decided to throw it into the abyss of politics. Clearly refusing to write a letter to Swiss authorities to reopen graft cases against President Zardari, Prime Minister Gilani in his reply submitted in the contempt case on Monday referred to the court’s earlier order of January 9, 2012 and said the court should either exercise one of the six options it had presented earlier – leave the matter to the judgement of the people – or refer the case to parliament as was done in the case of the 18th Amendment. While the prime minister may be trying to engage in interpretational gymnastics to get out of obeying the NRO verdict, there are no two ways of interpreting the PM’s latest reply to the court: that he is intentionally striking at the very heart of rule of law and openly indicting the competence of the Supreme Court in interpreting the Constitution. Speaking to the media on Sunday, the prime minister argued that since the issue of judges’ appointment was referred to parliament and resolved through the 19th Amendment, the issue of the president’s immunity should also be referred to parliament for its resolution. However, the two cases are not in the least comparable. The 19th Amendment sought changes in the mechanism for appointing judges in the superior courts in light of proposals forwarded to parliament by the Supreme Court itself in an order. That order came in response to several legal challenges to the judges’ appointment mechanism envisaged in Article 175A of the 18th Amendment, approved by parliament earlier that year. Since parliament is the apex legislative body and the only relevant forum where laws can be made and amendments introduced, the court itself asked that parliament reconsider some provisions of the 18th Amendment, which it did, culminating in the 19th Amendment.

In the case of the contempt case, the question is not one of the vires of a constitutional position or law. It is about the Supreme Court interpreting the Constitution – whereby it has ruled that the PM stands in contempt for not writing the Swiss letter – and about getting its judgment in the NRO case implemented. Neither task – of interpretation or implementation – is something parliament is mandated to do. Thus, by asking that the issue be referred to parliament, the prime minister has not only betrayed his absolute lack of understanding of the scheme of the Constitution but also of what the three pillars of the state are constitutionally sanctioned to do. As for the option of referring the matter to the people to decide – the famous 6th option that the court had itself suggested in its Jan 9 order – exercising this option, in our opinion, would be tantamount to undermining the finality of the SC judgment in the NRO case. It would mean that the court is not standing by an order given by its own 17-member bench which had declared the NRO null and void and demanded that the government write a letter to Swiss authorities in December 2009. A seven-member bench cannot undermine the ruling of a 17-member bench. This is a precedent that should not, and cannot be set.


At a time when what the power and energy sectors are most in need of is robust and effective management, what they are going to get is yet another ‘special task force’ formed by the Planning Commission with representation from the public and private sectors to ‘develop a roadmap’ to address a range of issues. These include de-regulation and market-based pricing structures energy security and affordable energy for consumers – perhaps an overly optimistic agenda given the ramshackle state of the power sector generally. Not only is the Planning Commission busy creating yet another possible talking shop, it has plans to extend it into an entire bazaar of power-chattering outlets down the line – formulating recommendations to the Cabinet seeking its approval to form task forces, develop a long-term road map and report on progress ‘in resolving issues and bottlenecks to ensure implementation of the reforms.’

The planners are not the only ones in the power-talk business. The Overseas Investors Chamber of Commerce and Industry (OICCI) is proposing the creation of a dedicated Ministry of Energy – which on the face of it sounds like a good idea. They say in their proposal paper that we would find it more cost effective to increase our energy capacity by efficiency and conservation efforts than by building new generation capacity. There is a profound truth in this as evidenced by the revelation by the Pakistan Electric Power Company (Pepco) that Rs500 billion of investment in the power sector has been lost to mismanagement and corruption during the tenure of the present government. Around Rs1.3 trillion has been pumped in over the last four years as subsidy; but Rs500 billion was ‘not properly utilised’ – to use the official euphemism. The chief executive of the procurement arm of Pepco delivered a stinging indictment of the way in which the power sector has been managed in a lecture he gave to the institution of engineers (IEP) last Saturday. We cannot know if there were any representatives of the Planning Commission at the lecture, but if there were they would be wise to take to heart what was said. There is a management axiom – ‘if you want to avoid doing something – call a meeting.’ Quite so.

End of the nuclear illusion - Praful Bidwai - Monday, March 19, 2012

Source : http://www.thenews.com.pk/Todays-News-9-98455-End-of-the-nuclear-illusion


A year after the nuclear catastrophe began at the Fukushima Daiichi station in Japan, the world has a historic chance to put an end to one of the biggest frauds ever played on the global public to promote a patently unsafe, accident-prone, expensive and centralised form of energy generation based upon splitting the uranium atom to produce heat, boil water, and spin a turbine. Candidly, that’s what nuclear power generation is all about.

The lofty promise of boundless material progress and universal prosperity based on cheap, safe and abundant energy through “Atoms for Peace”, held out by US President Dwight D Eisenhower in 1953, was mired in deception and meant to temper the prevalent perception of atomic energy as a malign force following the horrors of Hiroshima and Nagasaki.

Eisenhower was a hawk committed to building up the US nuclear arsenal from under 1,500 to over 20,000 warheads and sought to “compensate” for this by dressing up nuclear energy as a positive force. “Atoms for Peace” camouflaged the huge US military build-up in the 1950s.

The nuclear promise was also based on untested, unrealistic assumptions about atomic electricity being safe and “too cheap even to meter”. The projection sat ill at ease with the subsidies, worth scores of billions, which nuclear received. The US navy transferred reactor designs developed for its nuclear-propelled submarines to General Electric and Westinghouse for free. The US also passed a law to limit the nuclear industry’s accident liability to a ludicrously low level.

Fifty-five years on, the world has lost over $1,000 billion in subsidies, cash losses, abandoned projects and other damage from nuclear power. Decontaminating the Fukushima site alone is estimated to cost $623 billion, not counting the medical treatment costs for the thousands of likely cancers.

All of the world’s 400-odd reactors are capable of undergoing a catastrophic accident similar to Fukushima. They will remain a liability until decommissioned (entombed in concrete) at huge public expense, which is one-third to one-half of what it cost to build them. They will also leave behind nuclear waste, which remains hazardous for thousands of years, and which science has no way of storing safely.

All this for a technology which contributes just two percent of the world’s final energy consumption! Nuclear power has turned out worse than a “Faustian bargain” – a deal with the devil. Even the conservative Economist magazine, which long backed nuclear power, calls it “the dream that failed.”

Nuclear power experienced decline on its home ground because it became too risky and “too costly to hook to a meter”. The US hasn’t ordered a single new reactor since 1973, even before the Three Mile Island meltdown (1979). Western Europe hasn’t completed a new reactor since Chernobyl (1986). As a former member of the US Nuclear Regulatory Commission put it: “The abiding lesson that Three Mile Island taught Wall Street was that a group of NRC-licensed reactor operators, as good as any others, could turn a $2 billion asset into a $1 billion cleanup job in about 90 minutes.”

Nuclear power is now on the run globally. The number of reactors operating worldwide fell from the historic peak of 444 in 2002 to 429 this past March 1. Their share in global electricity supply has shrunk from 17 to 13 percent. And it’s likely to fall further as some 180-plus 30 years-old or older reactors are retired. Just about 60 new ones are planned.

After Fukushima, nobody is going to build nuclear reactors unless they get a big subsidy or high returns guaranteed by the state – or unless they are China, India or Pakistan. China’s rulers don’t have to bother about democracy, public opinion, or safety standards.

Nor are India’s rulers moved by these considerations. They are desperate to deliver on the reactor contracts promised to the US, France and Russia for lobbying for the US-India nuclear deal in the International Atomic Energy Agency. Manmohan Singh has even stooped to maligning Indian anti-nuclear protesters as foreign-funded, as if they had no minds of their own, and as if the government’s own priority wasn’t to hitch India’s energy economy to imported reactors. Pakistan’s nuclear czars are shamefully complacent about nuclear safety.

Nuclear power is bound up with secrecy, deception and opacity, which clash with democracy. It evokes fear and loathing in many countries, and can only be promoted by force. It will increasingly pit governments against their own public, with terrible consequences for civil liberties. A recent BBC-GlobeScan poll shows that 69 percent of the people surveyed in 23 countries oppose building new reactors, including 90 percent in Germany, 84 percent in Japan, 80 percent in Russia and 83 percent in France. This proportion has sharply risen since 2005. Only 22 percent of people in the 12 countries which operate nuclear plants favour building new ones.

Nuclear reactors are intrinsically hazardous high-pressure high-temperature systems, in which a fission chain-reaction is barely checked from getting out of control. But control mechanisms can fail for many reasons, including a short circuit, faulty valve, operator error, fire, loss of auxiliary power, or an earthquake or tsunami.

No technology is 100 percent safe. High-risk technologies demand a meticulous, self-critical and highly alert safety culture which assumes that accidents will happen despite precautions. The world has witnessed five core meltdowns in 15,000 reactor-years (number of reactors multiplied by duration of operations). At this rate, we can expect one core meltdown every eight years in the world’s 400-odd reactors. This is simply unacceptable.

Yet, the nuclear industry behaves as if this couldn’t happen. It has had a collusive relationship with regulators, which has been highlighted in numerous articles on Japan, including one by Yoichi Funabashi, chair of the Rebuild Japan Initiative Foundation: “We Japanese have long prided ourselves on being a society that provides safety and security...[But this] has been matched by our aversion to facing the potential threat of nuclear emergencies...”

He adds: “Any drills for a nuclear emergency were meticulously designed to avoid giving any impression that an accident could possibly progress to the severity of a meltdown.... After all, why stir up unnecessary anxiety when such contingencies simply are unthinkable? But avoidance ultimately translated into unpreparedness.”

Nuclear power is bound up with radiation, which is harmful in all doses, at each step of the nuclear fuel cycle. Nuclear plants routinely expose surrounding populations to harmful radioactive and chemical emissions.

Nuclear power is expensive not just in relation to coal or gas, but increasingly, to renewable sources. New-generation reactor costs have more than doubled. For instance, the European Pressurised Reactor of the crisis-ridden French firm Areva, and earmarked for Jaitapur in India, is now quoting for $6,500-plus per kilowatt, compared to under $2,000 for wind turbines.

Nuclear power cannot be a solution to the climate crisis. Its potential carbon reduction contribution is far too small, it is too slow to deploy, and too expensive. By contrast, renewables have already emerged as a safe, flexible, quickly deployable solution, with a typically lower carbon footprint than nuclear power.

The world needs a new climate-friendly, safe, decentralised energy system with smart grids and high efficiency. Nuclear power can have no place in it and must be abolished.

The writer, a former newspaper editor, is a researcher and peace and human-rights activist based in Delhi. Email: prafulbidwai1@yahoo. co.in